Budget Review in the National Assembly of Democratic Korea

2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-521 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chan Wook Park

Although Korea has made significant strides to strengthen its democratic system since the successful transition in the late 1980s as part of the “third wave” of global democratization, a look into the process of making budgetary policy in the National Assembly would suggest that Korean democracy is far from consolidation. Korean politics has shed itself for the most part of its authoritarian past, when the military was the main conduit of action and oppression. The principle of free, regular, and fair competition has taken root as the procedural norm in both national and local elections. Korean citizens enjoy civil liberties to a degree unprecedented in the authoritarian era, and civil society transformed into an increasingly open, transparent, and pluralistic field of political action.

2013 ◽  
Vol 117 (3) ◽  
pp. 1069-1087 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jørgen Møller ◽  
Svend-Erik Skaaning
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Fabrice Lehoucq

There have been three waves of scholarship on military coups d’état (or simply “coups”)—the unconstitutional replacement of chief executives by military officers—since the 1960s. The first used case studies to explore why the military overthrows governments. One of its central findings was that military uprisings were an integral part of political succession in many countries. A second wave produced the “aggregate studies” that were the first to deploy cross-national databases to identify the measurable features that distinguished more from less coup-prone political systems. These studies revealed, among other things, that coups proliferated in places with a history of instability. The third and current wave of scholarship takes advantage of the development of statistical software for limited dependent variables—then unavailable, now commonplace—to recast the quantitative research on coups. Two core findings have survived disconfirmation since the start of the third wave. First, higher income countries have fewer coups, though the effects are small (and become even weaker when models only contain developing countries). Second, “political legacy effects” mean that the probability of a coup declines with time since the last military uprising. Much of the latest wave of research pinpoints factors—like coup proofing, less inequality, or the end of the Cold War—that reduce the probability of a coup. The development of ever more sophisticated statistical techniques to divine the causes of instability, nevertheless, relies on off-the-shelf data sets and coup catalogs whose validity—properly understood as accuracy—is questionable. Only a greater attention to accuracy and complementary methods promise to produce a comprehensive account of why the military topples governments in some, but not in other, places.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-136
Author(s):  
Sanjeev Humagain ◽  
Girdhari Subedi ◽  
Tikaram Aryal

What is the present state of democracy among the Asian countries that were (re)democratized during the third wave of democratization? What makes the differences? Why some specific factors play prominent role on the deepening of democracy among them? These are the primary questions of this study. The findings from ten young Asian democracies are as follows. First, all the Asian countries that (re)democratized during the third wave of democratization are practicing democratic system at present. Six of them experienced the breakdowns, while four remain as a continuous democracy. Second, out of eleven structural and institutional factors, examined in this research, only the presidential system has clearer positive impact and economic development has a partial effect on the deepening of democracy. Indirect dictatorship or dominancy of family politics in the parliamentary democracies is found as main reason for the perils of parliamentarism among young Asian democracies.


Significance These will be the third polls under President Abdelmadjid Tebboune. As for the two previous votes -- the November 2020 constitutional referendum and the June 2021 legislative election -- participation in the local elections is likely to be poor. Such low voter turnout is progressively eroding the government’s legitimacy. Impacts The military leadership may blame Tebboune for overseeing three failed elections and could further marginalise him from decision-making. Tebboune will remain president, but he and his cabinet may increasingly be managed by the Ministry of Defence. Khaled Nezzar, the architect of the 1991 coup, has been rehabilitated, which appears to be influencing military strategy.


Hypatia ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine M. Orr
Keyword(s):  

Hypatia ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 100-115
Author(s):  
David Golumbia
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
A.G. Filipova ◽  
A.V. Vysotskaya

The article presents the results of mathematical experiments with the system «Social potential of childhood in the Russian regions». In the structure of system divided into three subsystems – the «Reproduction of children in the region», «Children’s health» and «Education of children», for each defined its target factor (output parameter). The groups of infrastructure factors (education, health, culture and sport, transport), socio-economic, territorial-settlement, demographic and en-vironmental factors are designated as the factors that control the system (input parameters). The aim of the study is to build a model îf «Social potential of childhood in the Russian regions», as well as to conduct experiments to find the optimal ratio of the values of target and control factors. Three waves of experiments were conducted. The first wave is related to the analysis of the dynam-ics of indicators for 6 years. The second – with the selection of optimal values of control factors at fixed ideal values of target factors. The third wave allowed us to calculate the values of the target factors based on the selected optimal values of the control factors of the previous wave.


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