The Long-Term Struggle for Violence against Women Legislation: The Guatemalan Women's Movement and the Politics of Patience

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Erin Beck

Abstract A scholarly consensus depicts strong, autonomous domestic women's movements as critical for the passage of gender equality reforms, alongside openings in domestic and international political contexts. What, then, is a nascent women's movement seeking gender equality reforms to do if it lacks strength or a history of autonomous organizing? A long-term analysis of the Guatemalan women's movement's push for reforms to address violence against women demonstrates that one potential road forward is through a “politics of patience,” rooted in the pursuit of cumulative, incremental victories. Adopting a politics of patience allows nascent domestic movements in developing and post-transition contexts to achieve incremental victories that create future political openings while simultaneously building movement strength and autonomy over time. This finding highlights the temporal and strategic power of women's movements, as well as the iterative and potentially reinforcing nature of social mobilization and political reform.

2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aparna Rayaprol ◽  
Sawmya Ray

The Indian Constitution is a woman-friendly document but institutionalised patriarchy in society at large has made it quite difficult to practice gender equality in courts. The women’s movements in India have been battling with the courts for more than three decades on issues related to various forms of violence against women in both public and private spheres. In this article, the focus is on understanding the perceptions of the lawyers who have been fighting cases related to gender justice as well as working towards changing the law itself. Feminist lawyers have been an integral part of the women’s movement in India and have helped achieve the passage of new laws. The study highlights the problems faced by lawyers and their sense of the challenges involved.


Lupus ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
C M Yelnik ◽  
G Urbanski ◽  
E Drumez ◽  
V Sobanski ◽  
H Maillard ◽  
...  

Introduction The long-term risk of first thrombosis and benefit of prophylaxis in antiphospholipid antibody (aPL) carriers without history of thrombosis or obstetrical morbidity is poorly known. This study aimed to evaluate the long-term rate and risk factors associated with a first thrombosis in those patients. Patients and methods After a prior study ended in December 2005 and was already published, we extended the follow-up period of our cohort of aPL carriers. Results Ninety-eight of the 103 patients of the previous study were included. The annual first thrombosis rate was 2.3% per patient-year during a median of 13 years (6–17). None of the baseline characteristics was predictive of risk of first thrombosis, but persistent aPL over time were associated with an increased risk. The stronger association was found in triple aPL-positive carriers: OR 3.38 (95% CI: 1.24–9.22). Of note, conversely to our previous findings, no benefit of aspirin prophylaxis was observed. Conclusion The risk of first thrombosis in aPL carriers without history of thrombosis or obstetrical morbidity was significant, persisted linearly over time and was associated with persistent aPL. This risk was especially increased in triple aPL-positive carriers, in whom a close follow-up seems to be necessary. Nevertheless, the benefit of aspirin prophylaxis remained unclear.


2019 ◽  
Vol 105 (3) ◽  
pp. e532-e543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alireza Ghajar ◽  
Pamela S Jones ◽  
Francisco J Guarda ◽  
Alex Faje ◽  
Nicholas A Tritos ◽  
...  

Abstract Purpose To determine the prevalence of insulin-like growth factor-1 (IGF-1) normalization with long-term multimodality therapy in a pituitary center and to assess changes over time. Methods Patients with acromegaly (N = 409), with ≥1 year of data after surgery and at least 2 subsequent clinic visits were included in long-term analysis (N = 266). Biochemical data, clinical characteristics, and therapeutic interventions were reviewed retrospectively. Results At diagnosis, mean [standard deviation] age was 43.4 [14.3] years, body mass index was 28.5 (24.9–32.1) kg/m2 (median, interquartile range), serum IGF-1 index (IGF-1 level/upper limit of normal) was 2.3 [1.7–3.1], and 80.5% had macroadenomas. Patients with transsphenoidal surgery after 2006 were older [46.6 ± 14.3 vs 40.0 ± 13.4 years; P < 0.001]. Age and tumor size correlated inversely. Overall (N = 266), 93.2% achieved a normal IGF-1 level during 9.9 [5.0–15.0] years with multimodality therapy. The interval to first normal IGF-1 level following failed surgical remission was shorter after 2006: 14.0 (95% confidence interval, 10.0–20.0) versus 27.5 (22.0–36.0) months (P = 0.002). Radiation therapy and second surgery were rarer after 2006: 28 (22%) versus 62 (47.0%); P < 0.001 and 12 (9.4%) versus 28 (21.2%); P = 0.010, respectively. Age at diagnosis increased over time periods, possibly reflecting increased detection of acromegaly in older patients with milder disease. Male gender, older age, smaller tumor and lower IGF-1 index at diagnosis predicted long-term sustained IGF-1 control after surgery without adjuvant therapies. Conclusion The vast majority of patients with acromegaly can be biochemically controlled with multimodality therapy in the current era. Radiotherapy and repeat pituitary surgery became less frequently utilized over time. Long-term postoperative IGF-1 control without use of adjuvant therapies has improved.


2009 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Ebert

In this paper the terminology used in long-term geomorphology is evaluated. Long-term geomorphology is the study of landforms that are of mostly pre-Quaternary, Cenozoic, Mesozoic or even Palaeozoic age. Many terms have been introduced to name the long-term large-scale landforms that persist to the present. The definitions of many of these terms are ambiguous, have changed over time, and their use and meaning is consequently often unclear. An attempt is made to clarify definitions, when possible, and to facilitate more concise usage of these terms. Long-term geomorphology deals in great parts with the lowering of a land surface to the base level (mostly sea level), leaving a new land surface. The largest group of terms concerns descriptions and genetic models for these kinds of new land surfaces collectively called `base level surfaces' here. Other terms discussed here relate to relict and preglacial landforms and regional terms for stepped surfaces. Terminology is discussed with particular reference to examples from and its use in Scandinavia. There is a long history of long-term geomorphology study in this region. Scandinavia is unique in the respect that pre-Quaternary landforms were repeatedly covered by Quaternary ice sheets but often survived with different degrees of glacial modification.


2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 214-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manon van de Riet ◽  
Wim Bernasco ◽  
Peter van der Laan

The police in the Netherlands have traditionally been characterised by restraint when dealing with cases involving minors. However, this policy of minimal intervention appears to be waning in recent years. This shift from welfare to justice seems to be in line with the developments in other European countries. This article comments on this development by framing it in the long-term history of juvenile policing in the Netherlands. It describes the founding and development of the Juvenile Police as an organisation, and sketches the parallel changes in juvenile policing that occurred during the twentieth century. The organisation of juvenile policing has changed considerably over time with a visible tendency away from welfare oriented policing. As such, restraint and minimal intervention may no longer characterise the way Dutch police handle juvenile offenders.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 860-877
Author(s):  
Kalika Mehta ◽  
Avantika Tiwari

AbstractThe aftermath of protests triggered by a brutal gang-rape in New Delhi in December 2012 was archetypal of the broader women’s movement in post-independence India. The primary demands of the social movement to address sexual violence against women were wrapped in the language of rights-based reforms in criminal law provisions. The state responded to the social mobilization in the form of criminal law amendments, while blindsiding key recommendations from feminist groups. This Article revisits pertinent Law Commission reports, subsequent criminal law reforms, and case law on sexual violence against women to analyze how the negotiations between the women’s movement and the State on the seemingly irreconcilable demands of sexual autonomy and punishment for sexual violence. We take account of the intended and unintended consequences of this reliance on criminal law as one of the primary tools in the arsenal of Indian women’s movements. We argue that engagement on the plane of criminal law to address sexual violence against women is a case of limited imagination at best and counter-productive at its worst. This approach of the movement and feminist groups is to react to the “crime” of sexual violence after the fact, leading to distraction from much warranted structural responses. We argue that this approach makes it harder to conceptualize and implement more forward-looking relational models of responsibility that are necessary to address the structural injustice of systemic sexual violence against women.


2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-56
Author(s):  
Lina Abirafeh

Lina Abirafeh describes the global conditions of gender equality and violence against women. She offers a brief history of her work to prevent violence against women and to build a better world for women. The author outlines the current promises and challenges for women’s equality in the Arab states, and the role of the Arab Institute for Women in realizing those promises and overcoming the challenges. She ends with a call for support of feminist activists and gender equality-focused organizations, including the Arab Institute for Women.


2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denise Z. Davidson

Cheryl Law, Suffrage and Power: The Women's Movement, 1918–1928 (London: I. B. Taurus, 1997), 260 pp., £39.50, ISBN 1-86064-201-2.Christine Bard, ed., Un Siècle d'antiféminisme (Paris: Fayard, 1999), 481 pp., FF 150.00, ISBN 2-213-60285-9.Kathryn Kish Sklar, Anja Schüler and Susan Strasser, eds., Social Justice Feminists in the United States and Germany: A Dialogue in Documents, 1885–1933 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 381 pp., $19.95, ISBN. 0-8014-8469-3.Leila Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women's Movement (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 325 pp., cloth $55.00, pb $19.95, ISBN 0-691-01675-5.Mrinalini Sinha, Donna Guy and Angela Woollacott, eds., Feminisms and Internationalism, Gender and History Special Issue, 264 pp. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999). $24.95, ISBN 0-631-20919-0.When we think of the women's movements of the early twentieth century, organisations like Britain's WSPU (Women's Social and Political Union) come to mind and we envision suffragettes marching and getting themselves arrested in cities like London. None of the books discussed here deals with this ‘mainstream’ view of feminism. Instead, they investigate women's movements and reactions to them from other perspectives. Approaching their subject matter from different angles, these recent works offer new interpretations of the history of feminism in the twentieth century. Together they make us consider a geographical re-focusing on the subject of women's movements. They raise questions about the chronology of feminism; they highlight the complicated relationships between ‘globalisation’ and nationalism and centre and periphery; and they draw attention to changing definitions of feminism depending on time and place and the issues at stake.


Author(s):  
Gretchen Arnold

Movements to end violence against women in the United States have brought the issues of rape, incest, wife-beating, and sexual harassment to public attention, given birth to community support systems for survivors, laid the foundation for research, and triggered significant cultural change. However, they have not been without their critics. After tracing the history of the battered women’s and the anti-rape movements, this chapter explores three areas of controversy surrounding both movements. The first is the charge that activists have abandoned their feminist political agendas and have become part of the social service mainstream. The second criticism is that the movements have excluded minority women and, as a result, have supported policies that do more harm than good. The third debate surrounds whether these movements have been co-opted by the state and are used more to regulate and control the poor and minorities than to challenge existing structures of power.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (5) ◽  
pp. 1181-1203
Author(s):  
MELCHISEDEK CHÉTIMA

AbstractBased on long-term oral historical research in the Mandara Mountains, this article traces the ways in which memories of slavery have been preserved in songs which are usually not part of the more formal oral historical narratives. It historicizes this process by focusing on the selective memories of different generations as well as on the influence of colonial and post-colonial politics, particularly post-1990 democratic politics in Cameroon. The major change over time is the shift from the shameful memory of slavery to be repressed – or treated only obliquely – to its public claim as a political resource after the democratic transition of the 1990s. In retelling the history of being sold as slaves, the residents of the Mandara Mountains reversed the negative meaning of slavery to use it to celebrate their resistance to Islam and to voice political claims. This new narrative congeals around being kirdi, a new regional and trans-religious identity claimed by Christians and pagans in the mountains.


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