Reinterpreting the health in all policies obligation in Article 168 TFEU: the first step towards making enforcement a realistic prospect

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Oliver Bartlett ◽  
Anja Naumann
Keyword(s):  
Health In All Policies ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
The Future ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
Health Objectives ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The EU Treaties oblige the EU institutions to take health objectives and concerns into account in all policy fields. Nevertheless, this obligation is only marginally honoured in many EU policy areas at best. One problem is the lack of enforcement options to pursue further implementation. This paper examines the obligation to ‘mainstream’ health in Article 168 TFEU and demonstrates the difficulties in enforcing the obligation in more detail. It then offers a new, deeper interpretation of the contents of the mainstreaming obligation and discusses how this definition may be used to facilitate better enforcement in the future.

scholarly journals An Old Couple in a New Setting: Franco-German Leadership in the Post-Brexit EU

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Ulrich Krotz ◽  
Lucas Schramm
Keyword(s):  
Viable Alternative ◽  
Centrifugal Forces ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Bilateral Relationship ◽  
Center Stage ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
German Part ◽  
The Eu

What are the implications of Brexit for the nature, role, and potential of Franco-German leadership in the EU? Brexit, we contend, is both an expression and a further cause of two broader underlying developments in the contemporary EU: First, a stronger and more prominent German part and position, and second, disintegrative tendencies in several EU policy fields and the EU polity as a whole. This, in turn, has major implications for Franco-German bilateralism and for Franco-German leadership in the EU. In light of a stronger Germany, a relatively weaker France, and significant centrifugal forces, the two largest EU member states must not only realign their bilateral relationship but must also act as a stabilizer in and for the EU. We show that during the EU’s recent crises, not least during the Brexit negotiations and the recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic, France and Germany did exercise joint leadership. We also show, however, that major discrepancies persist between the two countries in particular policy fields and with regard to longer-term European objectives. Brexit, with its numerous calamities and implications, thus once again moves Franco-German leadership—and its shortcomings—to center stage in Europe. When it comes to leadership in the EU, there remains no viable alternative to the Franco-German duo. Yet, in order to provide constructive leadership and successfully shape the EU, the two countries must bridge substantial differences and be ready to carry disproportionately high burdens.

Differentiated integration in the EU: What does Croatia want?

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110311
Author(s):  
Marta Božina Beroš ◽  
Ana Grdović Gnip
Keyword(s):  
Text Mining ◽  
Sentiment Analysis ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Conceptual Level ◽  
Main Assumption ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
The Future ◽  
Differentiated Integration ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
The Eu

This article presents empirically substantiated answers on the salience of differentiated integration (DI) from the perspective of Croatian governments between 2004 and 2020. Considering DI’s relevance for the future of EU integration as well as the fact that DI was de facto adopted by the Croatian governments in order to maintain a healthy relationship with the EU, the main assumption is that DI – as a broad and multifaceted integration phenomenon – appears prominently in the domestic political discourse. By employing text mining and sentiment analysis on a corpus of 376 various governmental documents we answer, do governments talk about DI and specific DI mechanisms at a conceptual level? Which differentiated policy fields do they talk about most often? Our results show that DI has been – and remains – a low salience issue for Croatian governments over the last 15 years, which is surprising considering that over this period, Croatia consolidated its position in the EU in the shadow of the ‘polycrisis’, also thanks to DI.

scholarly journals Where are the eastern boundaries of the European Union?

2006 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-468
Author(s):  
Ana Jovic-Lazic
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Future Development ◽  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Relevant Factor ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Eu

The EU enlargement to 25 members has significantly changed the political and economic map of the contemporary Europe. EU has become a relevant factor in international relations. At the same time there are certain dilemmas concerning the prospects for the future development and nature of the Union. Considering the fact that the EU geopolitical position has moved eastwards the author wonders how far the Union might spread towards the East, i.e. where the boundaries of the united Europe might be, and what should be the EU policy towards its Eastern neighbors (Russia, Byelorussia, the Ukraine and Moldova).

Conference Reports

2005 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-234
Author(s):  
Edin Mujagic ◽  
Dóra Győrffy ◽  
László Jankovics
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
European Association ◽  
Policy Research ◽  
Conference Report ◽  
Annual Conference ◽  
Summer Institute ◽  
The West ◽  
The Future ◽  
Economic Studies ◽  
The Eu

EMU Enlargement to the East and the West CEPR/ESI Conference. Report of the 8th annual conference of the Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) and the European Summer Institute (ESI) held in September 2004 in Budapest, Hungary. (Conference report by Edin Mujagic); Dilemmas around the future enlargement of the EU-EACES Conference. The European Association for Comparative Economic Studies (EACES) held its 8th biannual conference at the Faculty of Economics in Belgrade on September 23-25, 2004. (Conference report by Dóra Gyõrffy and László Jankovics)

scholarly journals On Western strategy towards Russia: From ‘Putin first’ to ‘democracy first’

European View ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 178168582110033
Author(s):  
Andrius Kubilius
Keyword(s):  
Russian Society ◽  
The West ◽  
Strategic Approach ◽  
Democratic Change ◽  
The Future ◽  
A Priority ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
The Eu

The article analyses two distinct approaches that Western leaders have taken to relations with Putin’s Russia. It argues that the dominant approach of fostering good relations with Vladimir Putin, prioritising these over support for longer-term democratic change in Russia, has not brought any results and is damaging the interests of Russian society, neighbouring countries and the West. The article analyses the prerequisites for deep change in Russia and argues that there is a need for the EU to comprehensively review and change its strategy towards Russia, putting democracy at its core. It discusses in detail the deterrence, containment and transformation elements of a new EU strategy. The article emphasises that the strategic approach of ‘democracy first’ in relations with Russia also relates to the future of democracy in general and should be a priority of EU–US cooperation.

scholarly journals The EU Elephant: Europe in the 2021 Dutch General Elections

2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-75
Author(s):  
Simon Otjes
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
The Future ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Eu

AbstractFor the Netherlands, the single most important EU issue is the future of the eurozone.

Actions Speak Louder Than Words? The Untapped Potential of V4 Parliaments in EU Affairs

2021 ◽  
pp. 088832542110127
Author(s):  
Karolina Borońska-Hryniewiecka ◽  
Jan Grinc
Keyword(s):  
Early Warning System ◽  
Warning System ◽  
Veto Players ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dialogue ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Green Card ◽  
Policy Ideas ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
The Eu

This article offers the first ever comparative analysis of the involvement of V4 parliaments in the sphere of European Union (EU) affairs. Its underlying research objective is to determine what conditions V4’s parliamentary participation in various EU-oriented activities such as domestic scrutiny of the government’s EU policy, the political dialogue with the Commission, the Early Warning System for subsidiarity control, and the green card initiative. Based on the actual scrutiny output, parliamentary minutes, and data from questionnaires, we address the questions: (1) To what extent domestic legislatures act as autonomous as opposed to government-supporting actors in these arenas? (2) Do they mostly act as EU veto players, or try to contribute constructively to the EU policy-making process by bringing alternative policy ideas? (3) What are their motivations for engaging in direct dialogue with EU institutions in addition to domestic scrutiny? and (4) How MPs envisage their own EU-oriented roles? While the article reveals that V4 parliaments mostly act as gatekeepers in the sphere of EU affairs, it also casts a new light on the previous literature findings related to the EU-oriented performance of the Czech and Polish lower chambers. We conclude that, generally, V4 parliaments refrain from fully exploiting their relatively strong formal prerogatives in EU affairs—a fact that can be partly explained by the composition of their ruling majorities.

Schengen: Quo Vadis?

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie De Somer
Keyword(s):  
Good Governance ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Border Regions ◽  
Implementation Practices ◽  
Quo Vadis ◽  
Border Controls ◽  
The Eu ◽  
The Way

Abstract The EU’s Schengen zone has been in crisis for over four years. This article critically reviews three scenarios on the way forward for the Schengen area that are currently circulating in the EU policy sphere. These include, first, proposals to improve the current rules on internal border checks within the Schengen Borders Code, either through reform or through better implementation practices. A second scenario relates to ideas on increasing the use of police checks in border regions as alternatives for internal border controls. A third scenario links to proposals on making access to the Schengen zone conditional on cooperation and good governance in the CEAS. It is submitted that the proposals in this third scenario are unfeasible for both political as well as legal reasons. More merit can be found in the discussions around the first two scenarios, albeit bearing in mind a number of important caveats.

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