Late colonial antecedents of modern democracy

Author(s):  
Christian Bjørnskov ◽  
Martin Rode

Abstract Claims that colonial political institutions fundamentally affected the probability for democratic governance in the post-colonial period are probably among some of the most contested in institutional analysis. The current paper revisits this literature using a previously unused source of empirical information – the Statesman's Yearbook – on a large number of non-sovereign countries in the immediate aftermath of World War II. Our analysis shows that neither the size of the European population nor the existence of institutions of higher education appear to be important for the subsequent democratisation of countries decolonised during the latter half of the 20th century, while the existence of representative political bodies during the late colonial period clearly predicts the existence and stability of democracy in recent decades. Successful transplants of democracy to former colonies thus seem to crucially depend on whether recipients had time available to experiment around and adjust the imported institutions to local practices.

Author(s):  
Oana Panaïté

Anger and incivility are integral parts of the post-colonial ethos that oriented France’s response to the violent dismantling of its colonial empire in the wake of World War II. The chapter examines the recent convergence between autobiographical and documentary writings by Harkis and Pieds-noirs which present two distinct yet interconnected types of memorial writing that recollect or re-enact the colonial past by setting it in contrast with the post-colonial present, thus marking a turn from “memory wars” (Stora) to what I call the “anger consensus.”


Author(s):  
Kambiz GhaneaBassiri

The history of Muslims in America dates back to the transatlantic mercantile interactions between Europe, Africa, and the Americas. Upon its arrival, Islam became entrenched in American discourses on race and civilization because literate and noble African Muslims, brought to America as slaves, had problematized popular stereotypes of Muslims and black Africans. Furthermore, these enslaved Muslims had to re-evaluate and reconfigure their beliefs and practices to form new communal relations and to make sense of their lives in America. At the turn of the 20th century, as Muslim immigrants began arriving in the United States from the Middle East, Eastern Europe, and South Asia, they had to establish themselves in an America in which the white race, Protestantism, and progress were conflated to define a triumphalist American national identity, one that allowed varying levels of inclusion for Muslims based on their ethnic, racial, and national backgrounds. The enormous bloodshed and destruction experienced during World War I ushered in a crisis of confidence in the ideals of the European Enlightenment, as well as in white, Protestant nationalism. It opened up avenues for alternative expressions of progress, which allowed Muslims, along with other nonwhite, non-Christian communities, to engage in political and social organization. Among these organizations were a number of black religious movements that used Islamic beliefs, rites, and symbols to define a black Muslim national identity. World War II further shifted America, away from the religious competition that had earlier defined the nation’s identity and toward a “civil religion” of American democratic values and political institutions. Although this inclusive rhetoric was received differently along racial and ethnic lines, there was an overall appeal for greater visibility for Muslims in America. After World War II, increased commercial and diplomatic relations between the United States and Muslim-majority countries put American Muslims in a position, not only to relate Islam and America in their own lives but also to mediate between the varying interests of Muslim-majority countries and the United States. Following the civil rights legislation of the 1950s and 1960s and the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965, Muslim activists, many of whom had been politicized by anticolonial movements abroad, established new Islamic institutions. Eventually, a window was opened between the US government and American Muslim activists, who found a common enemy in communism following the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in the 1980s. Since the late 1960s, the number of Muslims in the United States has grown significantly. Today, Muslims are estimated to constitute a little more than 1 percent of the US population. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union and the rise of the United States as the sole superpower in the world, the United States has come into military conflict with Muslim-majority countries and has been the target of attacks by militant Muslim organizations. This has led to the cultivation of the binaries of “Islam and the West” and of “good” Islam and “bad” Islam, which have contributed to the racialization of American Muslims. It has also interpolated them into a reality external to their history and lived experiences as Muslims and Americans.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 12-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Fischer ◽  
Daniel Möckli

Switzerland was in a unique place among European countries after World War II. Although situated in the center of Europe, it had not been attacked by Nazi Germany and therefore emerged from the war with a strong economy, stable political institutions, and social cohesion. The experience of World War II forged a collective identity different from that in other continental states. The Swiss had a deep emotional commitment to neutrality and a conviction that autonomous defense would continue to be an effective security strategy after 1945. The Swiss government acknowledged the need for, and indeed was supportive of, the new United Nations collective security system. The Swiss were well aware of the benefits of Western collective defense and European integration as the Cold War divide came about. But Switzerland was willing to associate with these new multilateral governance structures only to the extent that they did not negatively affect neutrality or, in the case of European integration, Swiss economic interests.


2009 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Allina-Pisano

The village of Kisszelmenc, a historically Magyar settlement at the edge of southwestern Ukraine, has been separated by an international border from its sister village of Nagyszelmenc, now in Slovakia, since just after World War II. A recent project to reconnect the two villages sought to support Magyar identity in the region through the reunification of village families. The opening of a border crossing project instead drove economic changes that resulted in the Ukrainianization and the Slovakization of Kisszelmenc. This article shows how the reconfiguration of economic relations stemming from changes in political institutions can generate unexpected shifts in the enactment of ethno-cultural identity on a given territory.


1974 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Collette ◽  
Pat O'Malley

The New Zealand Maori represent an important case study in the processes of urbanization and acculturation of an indigenous people. Whereas prior to World War II very few Maoris lived in cities, despite the existence of urban areas since the mid-nineteenth century, the postwar period has witnessed the most rapid urbanization of an indigenous people. By 1966, over one-half of the Maori population resided in cities and urban boroughs. The reasons for the occurrence of this phenomenon are discussed in terms of four factors: (1) changes in the attitudes of the European population; (2) changes in governmental policies concerning the social and economic development of the Maori population; (3) differences between the economic positions of rural and urban Maoris; and (4) the social changes effected by the military and logistic necessities of World War II. One of the most important features of Maori urbanization is that it is occurring without involving extensive loss or destruction of traditional Maori culture. It seems that the rapidity with which urbanization is occurring is at least partly responsible for the maintenance of traditional culture in the urban setting.


Author(s):  
Adrian Vickers

The 1950s is a gap in the usual studies of tourism in Bali, but this was a crucial decade for rebuilding the tourist industry after World War II and the Indonesian Revolution, and for establishing a post-colonial industry. The reconstruction of the tourist industry drew on Dutch attempts to rebuild tourism during the 1940s. The process of reconstruction required the creation of a souvenir industry, in which Balinese women entrepreneurs played a key role, the building of networks of hotels, and the recreation of tourist itineraries. Paradoxically, the leaders in rebuilding the industry were leading figures on the Republican side during the Indonesian Revolution, but relied on Dutch precedents and patterns. The 1950s represented an optimistic period of relative autonomy, before the centralised control of the New Order government came into play.


Author(s):  
Jack Jacovou

CESAA Essay Competition 2018 – Undergraduate winner: Jack JacovouThis essay will submit three arguments which will sustain this thesis respectively: 1) the incorporation of expellees, the expellee movement, and their irredentism which romanticised the Nazi period, saw a form political extremism rise as a direct consequence of the breakup of Germany after World War II (WWII)1; 2) the decline of the German Communist Party (KPD) and National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) reflected Germans becoming critical of the political extremism prevalent between the 1919 until 19452; 3) influenced by both the War and German history wholistically, the Allies and Germans crafted a Basic Law (Grundgesetz) which embodied a strong parliamentary and federal system.3 With all this in mind, the first argument to highlight how Germany drew upon its history to craft new political institutions and a new culture, is the incorporation of the expellees and their irredentism.


Author(s):  
Lerner Hanna

This chapter examines the making of the Indian Constitution from a comparative perspective, with particular emphasis on some of the significant and innovative aspects of the drafting process. After discussing constitution drafting in the post-colonial/post-World War II period, it considers the debate in the Indian Constituent Assembly over what it means to be an Indian and how the Constitution should facilitate political unity in the face of immense cultural, religious, and national diversity. It then explores some of the innovative constitutional strategies developed by the Indian framers to reconcile the deep disagreements among the Indian public regarding the religious, national, and linguistic identity of the State with the principles of democracy. These strategies include constitutional incrementalism, the deferral of controversial decisions, ambiguity, and non-justiciability.


Author(s):  
Anastassia V. Obydenkova ◽  
Alexander Libman

This chapter aims to provide a different approach to the development of regional IOs since World War II, by singling out non-democratic tendencies in regionalism from a historical perspective. It explores differences between the functioning of DROs and NDROs over the last 70 years—from coerced organizations such as COMECON to modern alliances of autocrats. The chapter argues that the twenty-first-century NDROs (e.g. SCO) are different from those of the last half of the twentieth century (e.g. COMECON) in terms of membership composition, governance structure, and the characteristics discussed in earlier chapters. While historical NDROs were driven by ideologies such as Communism, in the main modern NDROs lack an ideological foundation (with the exception of ALBA and the Islamic world). The ideological foundation of Islamic ROs has changed—from pan-Arabism in the 1940s and 1950s to the dominance of various forms of political Islam and a focus on specific political institutions (e.g. the conservative rule of Gulf monarchies in the GCC).


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