Interview with Mira Kusumarini

2019 ◽  
Vol 101 (911) ◽  
pp. 437-444

Even during armed conflict and other situations of violence, all children are entitled to their rights and protections as children without distinction based on their age, gender, religion, or whether they are associated with an armed group. Despite this, millions of children in conflict zones face discrimination, ostracization and stigmatization. This is particularly true for children affiliated with groups designated as “terrorist”, who face a range of challenges in reintegrating into society.Civil society can play an important role at the international, regional and domestic levels in helping children formerly associated with armed groups, or otherwise affected by armed conflict, to rejoin communities. Mira Kusumarini is a professional in the peace and security field in Indonesia who works to address the problems of women and children who have been associated with armed groups, and to help them reintegrate them into society. She is the Executive Director of the Coalition of Civil Society Against Violent Extremism (C-SAVE), a collaborative network of civil society organizations.In this interview, she discusses the challenges involved in the reintegration of children who have been associated with extremist groups in Indonesia and the stigma they face, as well as the importance of empathy in helping communities to heal.

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luz Estella Nagle

Disaffected, impoverished, and displaced people in weak and failing states are particularly vulnerable. Human trafficking exploits social and political turmoil caused by natural disasters, economic crisis, and armed conflict. The exploitation and forced servitude of millions of trafficking victims take many forms. Women and children are trafficked into becoming child soldiers and concubines of illegal armed groups, men, women and children are trafficked into forced labor and sexual slavery, forced to sell drugs, steal, and beg money for the criminals controlling them, and thousands are coerced or forced into a growing black market trade in human body parts. The growth in illegal mining operations by illegal armed groups and organized crime is also fueling conditions of forced labor. Trafficking victims are dehumanized and suffer grave physical and mental illness and often die at the hands of their captors and exploiters. Colombia is particularly afflicted by the scourge of human trafficking. All the elements of modern-day slavery and human exploitation are present in this Latin American state that is struggling to overcome decades of internal armed conflict, social fragmentation, poverty, and the constant debilitating presence of organized crime and corruption. Women’s Link Worldwide recently reported that human trafficking is not viewed as an internal problem among Colombian officials, despite estimates that more than 70,000 people are trafficked within Colombia each year. This article examines human trafficking in its many forms in Colombia, the parties involved in trafficking, and the State’s response or lack of response to human trafficking. The article also presents innovations that might be effective for combating human trafficking, and proposes that Colombia can serve as an effective model for other countries to address this growing domestic and international human rights catastrophe.


2021 ◽  
pp. 29-100
Author(s):  
René Provost

Chapter 1 considers the compatibility of the rebel administration of justice with the concept of the rule of law, using the FARC in Colombia as a case study. The Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia—Ejército del Pueblo (FARC) was the largest non-state armed group during five decades of civil war in that country. At its peak, it wielded dominant territorial authority in more than half of Colombian municipalities. While it generally did not establish standing institutions to administer justice, it imposed legal norms, co-opted existing community justice mechanisms, and established informal and hybrid practices to settle legal disputes in the civil and criminal law fields. FARC justice practices are used to explore the concept of the rule of law, an essentially contested legal concept that cannot be exclusively attached to the modern state. The rule of law is shown to be a concept with a flexible content, modulated by circumstances such as the onset of armed conflict. Elements of a rebel rule of law adapted to the nature of non-state armed groups and context of armed conflict are articulated based on applicable international humanitarian and human rights law. Finally, the principle of state sovereignty is analysed to show that it does not impart exclusive jurisdiction to the state over the administration of justice, but instead can accommodate justice practices by a diversity of actors, including non-state armed groups in conflict zones.


Author(s):  
Adrineh Gregorian

The work of women’s groups and organizations in conflict zones is underestimated and underresourced, yet these groups continue to be a voice of the marginalized. By examining the case of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, this chapter seeks to demonstrate how women’s role in peacebuilding is pivotal and should not be trivialized. Women have proven to be more nonviolent, they have differentiated needs in conflict, and they are more successful at utilizing out-of-the-box methods. When official top-down approaches fail women, civil society organizations step in to fill the gaps. Whereas formal negotiation tactics often seem to be fruitless, out-of-the-box tools are created to develop connections and safe spaces to share, listen, and build empathy. These steps should not be overlooked; instead, they underscore that women’s inclusion in peace processes is imperative.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew G Reiter

The use of amnesty for human rights violations has been heavily criticised on legal, ethical and political grounds. Yet amnesties have been the most popular transitional justice mechanisms over the past four decades, particularly in the context of internal armed conflict. States justify these amnesties by claiming they are important tools to secure peace. But how successful is amnesty in accomplishing these goals? This article seeks to answer this question by analysing the use and effectiveness of 236 amnesties used in internal armed conflicts worldwide since 1970. The article first creates a typology of the use of amnesty in the context of internal armed conflict. It then qualitatively examines the impact on peace of each type of amnesty. The article finds that most amnesties granted in the context of internal armed conflict have no demonstrable impact on peace and security. Yet amnesties granted as carrots to entice the surrender of armed actors occasionally succeed in bringing about the demobilisation of individual combatants or even entire armed groups. More importantly, amnesties extended as part of a peace process are effective in initiating negotiations, securing agreements, and building the foundation for long-lasting peace.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenny Lorentzen

Abstract The frames of counterterrorism and countering violent extremism are increasingly shaping much international engagement in Mali. In this environment, women's contributions are often reduced to their peacemaking potential. This article studies how the UN policy agendas on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) and Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) are translated in discourses on P/CVE in Mali. It draws on feminist and postcolonial scholarship to develop a framework for analysing how local intermediaries in norm translation engage in ‘discursive practices of re-presentation’ and conducts a discourse analysis of interviews with Malian civil society and government representatives. The analysis finds that a re-presentation of women as security actors, constructed as an extension of their roles as peacemakers, dominates the discourse. I use the term ‘new security actors’ to describe the dominant re-presentation of women that emerges in this context: a woman who will contribute to preventing radicalization and violent extremism by influencing, counselling, and/or informing on her family or community members. ‘New security actors’, however, emerges as a problematic re-presentation of women which emphasizes traditional gender roles and potentially exposes women to risks, and in many ways seem to contradict much of the normative aspirations of the WPS agenda.


Author(s):  
Annika Björkdahl ◽  
Johanna Mannergren Selimovic

Civil society is often understood as a normative vehicle for the promotion of human rights and democracy, as it plays a central role in ensuring gender equality and advocating for local ownership in the decision-making processes of states. Civil society agents and organizations have been instrumental in promoting and advancing the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. In this chapter, we examine the experiences of Bosnian Civil Society Organizations (CSO) and their activities to advance a gender-just peace. Drawing on examples from the Bosnian case study, we argue that women civil society organizations are key actors, as they not only set the agenda when it comes to WPS, they also play a key role in ensuring that the WPS principles are institutionalized and operationalized in policy. Moreover, we observe that women CSOs are particularly successful in advocating for the needs of victims of conflict-related sexual-based violence.


Temida ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 27-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vesna Nikolic-Ristanovic ◽  
Bejan Saciri

This paper aims to present a cross-section of the results of the research ?Fostering victim-oriented dialogue in a multiethnic society?, conducted by the Victimology Society of Serbia during the first and the beginning of the second year of the implementation of the project ?ALTERNATIVE - Developing alternative understandings of security and justice through restorative justice approaches in intercultural settings within democratic societies.? The research focuses on inter-ethnic conflicts that occurred from the 1990s onwards among the civil society organizations in Serbia. The results relating to the activities of these organizations as well as to the discourse, specifically the way they speak in public about inter-ethnic conflicts, are presented. Special attention is paid to identifying activities that have elements of restorative justice, as well as to an assessment of the potential that existing restorative activities have for solving problems in inter-ethnic relations, and building peace and security for the citizens of Serbia in general, particularly for those living in the multinational regions near borders with other countries of the former Yugoslavia.


Author(s):  
Rendi Prayuda ◽  
Dian Venita Sari ◽  
Riezki AdmaJayadi

The changes of issues in international security from the war to domestic conflict resulting in the emergence of armed groups that aim to change the political system and government of a country. Guerrilla armed groups recruit children as child soldiers to fight the government regime. This paper uses the concept of humanitarian law with a descriptive qualitative research approach (literature study) which describes the research problem empirically. The results of the study explained that the recruitment of child soldiers in armed conflicts violated humanitarian law which emphasized that in an armed conflict women and children must be protected. The recruitment model for child soldiers is carried out using drugs (narcotics), doctrine of revenge against family deaths, recruiting girls as sexual slaves and training children to be ready to fight. This child soldier was used as an active militant army, bait, spy and weapons courier and bombs in armed conflict.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuriy V. Kostyuchenko ◽  
Maxim Yuschenko

Paper aimed to consider of approaches to big data (social network content) utilization for understanding of social behavior in the conflict zones, and analysis of dynamics of illegal armed groups. Analysis directed to identify of underage militants. The probabilistic and stochastic methods of analysis and classification of number, composition and dynamics of illegal armed groups in active conflict areas are proposed. Data of armed conflict – antiterrorist operation in Donbas (Eastern Ukraine in the period 2014-2015) is used for analysis. The numerical distribution of age, gender composition, origin, social status and nationality of child militants among illegal armed groups has been calculated. Conclusions on the applicability of described method in criminological practice, as well as about the possibilities of interpretation of obtaining results in the context of study of terrorism are proposed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
B Sabri

Abstract Human trafficking is a worldwide phenomenon organized by national and international gangs and generating important financial resources. Refugees and migrants constitute the main victims of such organized crimes. At national level, human trafficking is facilitated by poverty, social exclusion and all forms of vulnerability. School dropout at young age is among determinants of Child labor, organized begging, drug trafficking and involvement in criminal gangs. Economic and political migrants are easy targets to national and international traffickers. The 2018 report shows that documented cases have increased from 28 in 2015 to 780 in 2018. Women and children represent the high majority respectively 75 % and 50 %. Criminal activities include forced employment (55 %), economic exploitation of children (33 %), sexual exploitation (10 %) and slavery like practice (2 %). Victims of human trafficking are from Tunisia (55 %), Ivory coast (40 %) and Caucasian countries (5 %). The reported cases are provided social and health services by government and national and international civil society organizations active in Tunisia. Victims suffer stigmatization particularly for HIV carriers and also depression and psychological disorders. Civil society organizations in addition to service delivery, facilitate case notifications and encourage victims for self-reporting which remains low (10 %). The objectives of the paper are to: Shed light on human trafficking in Tunisia particularly among refugees and migrantsAddress ways and means of preventing such criminal phenomenonInclude care of victims of human trafficking in the social and health package for refugees and migrants.


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