Transnational REDD+Rule Making: The Regulatory Landscape for REDD+ Implementation in Latin America

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
María Eugenia Recio

AbstractREDD+ – an incentive mechanism to reduce deforestation and associated greenhouse gas emissions in developing countries – was developed under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and subsequently included in the Paris Agreement. Its early implementation activities have highlighted the role of certain intergovernmental actors: REDD+financing initiatives, including the World Bank’s Forest Carbon Partnership Facility and Forest Investment Programme, and UN-REDD, a collaborative programme involving three agencies of the United Nations. By setting conditions for the provision of support for REDD+, these initiatives have actively and influentially engaged in REDD+rule making. This article focuses on the regulatory landscape for REDD+and examines rules developed under the UNFCCC and elaborated by the REDD+financing initiatives, using examples from the Latin American region. The analysis shows that informal lawmaking plays a more relevant role in REDD+rule making than international formal law, and has demonstrated legal and practical effects. However, informality can also tilt power relations between donor and recipient countries, which could jeopardize the legitimacy of transnational rule making.

Author(s):  
Rachel Aguiar Estevam do Carmo

O presente artigo aborda a noção hegemonia dissociada como forma de entender o projeto ideológico da Comissão Econômica para América Latina (CEPAL) nos anos de 1950 a 1960. Entende-se que a CEPAL contribuiu para a construção do pensamento moderno na América Latina ao incentivar a formação de novos pesquisadores e na construção da Teoria do Subdesenvolvimento, corrente teórica que rompe com os escritos advindos das Nações Unidas e que procura explicar a realidade latino-americana a partir de dentro, focando na saída da condição subdesenvolvida por meio da ampliação e construção do parque industrial. Utilizamos os escritos gramscianos para compreender esse momento hegemônico de reorganização dos Estados latino-americanos em que a CEPAL serviu para dar suporte no projeto de desenvolvimento econômico voltado para a supressão da condição de subdesenvolvimento e também como manifestação que se dissocia dos preceitos das Nações Unidas da qual a CEPAL estava subordinada teoricamente. Nesse sentido, o termo hegemonia dissociada ajuda a realocar o papel da CEPAL nos anos de 1950 e 1960 como a luz capaz de levar a modernidade para a periferia do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Hegemonia Dissociada; CEPAL; Desenvolvimento Econômico. THE DISSOCIATED HEGEMONY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ROLE OF CEPAL IN THE YEARS 1950 TO 1960AbstractThis article addresses the concept of dissociated hegemony as un way of understanding the ideological project of the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) in the years 1950 to 1960. It is understood that CEPAL contributed to the construction of modern thinking in Latin America by encouraging formation of new researchers and the construction of the Theory of Underdevelopment, a theoretical current that breaks with the writings of the United Nations and seeks to explain the Latin American reality from within focusing on the way out of the underdeveloped condition through the expansion and construction of the industrial park. We use the writings of Gramsci to understand this hegemonic moment of reorganization of the Latin American States in which CEPAL served to support the economic development project aimed at suppressing the condition of underdevelopment and also as a manifestation that dissociates itself from the United Nations because of team cepalino to have been subordinate theoretically. In this sense, the term dissociated hegemony helps to reallocate the role of CEPAL in the 1950s and 1960s as the light that capable of bringing modernity to the periphery of capitalism.Keywords: Dissociated Hegemony; CEPAL; Economic Development.


Author(s):  
Jessica Stites Mor

This article considers the role of the Organization of Solidarity with the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (OSPAAAL) in championing a Latin American, tricontinentalist vision of Third World solidarity between these regions. It argues that Cuba used visual and media arts to frame and reframe historical evets, utilizing OSPAAAL as a conduit of pro-Cuba revolutionary ideas, as it circulated updates on national liberation struggles and calls to action for internationalist solidarity. OSPAAAL produced visual art in solidarity campaigns that allowed Cuba to promote a particular interpretation of the Cold War as ongoing colonialism to generate transnational support for national liberation struggles in the Middle East and Africa, as well as to promote the Cuban revolution itself. In particular, it examines the way that the visual approach used by the artists working with OSPAAAL intersected with other modes of transnational solidarity activism to promote revolutionary ideals and commonalities between distant participants and specifically in order to influence international cooperation at the United Nations and in advancing Castro’s profile within the Non-Aligned Movement.


2017 ◽  
pp. 362-381
Author(s):  
Rachel Aguiar Estevam do Carmo

O presente artigo aborda a noção hegemonia dissociada como forma de entender o projeto ideológico da Comissão Econômica para América Latina (CEPAL) nos anos de 1950 a 1960. Entende-se que a CEPAL contribuiu para a construção do pensamento moderno na América Latina ao incentivar a formação de novos pesquisadores e na construção da Teoria do Subdesenvolvimento, corrente teórica que rompe com os escritos advindos das Nações Unidas e que procura explicar a realidade latino-americana a partir de dentro, focando na saída da condição subdesenvolvida por meio da ampliação e construção do parque industrial. Utilizamos os escritos gramscianos para compreender esse momento hegemônico de reorganização dos Estados latino-americanos em que a CEPAL serviu para dar suporte no projeto de desenvolvimento econômico voltado para a supressão da condição de subdesenvolvimento e também como manifestação que se dissocia dos preceitos das Nações Unidas da qual a CEPAL estava subordinada teoricamente. Nesse sentido, o termo hegemonia dissociada ajuda a realocar o papel da CEPAL nos anos de 1950 e 1960 como a luz capaz de levar a modernidade para a periferia do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Hegemonia Dissociada; CEPAL; Desenvolvimento Econômico. THE DISSOCIATED HEGEMONY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ROLE OF CEPAL IN THE YEARS 1950 TO 1960AbstractThis article addresses the concept of dissociated hegemony as un way of understanding the ideological project of the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) in the years 1950 to 1960. It is understood that CEPAL contributed to the construction of modern thinking in Latin America by encouraging formation of new researchers and the construction of the Theory of Underdevelopment, a theoretical current that breaks with the writings of the United Nations and seeks to explain the Latin American reality from within focusing on the way out of the underdeveloped condition through the expansion and construction of the industrial park. We use the writings of Gramsci to understand this hegemonic moment of reorganization of the Latin American States in which CEPAL served to support the economic development project aimed at suppressing the condition of underdevelopment and also as a manifestation that dissociates itself from the United Nations because of team cepalino to have been subordinate theoretically. In this sense, the term dissociated hegemony helps to reallocate the role of CEPAL in the 1950s and 1960s as the light that capable of bringing modernity to the periphery of capitalism.Keywords: Dissociated Hegemony; CEPAL; Economic Development.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-318
Author(s):  
Roman Girma Teshome

The effectiveness of human rights adjudicative procedures partly, if not most importantly, hinges upon the adequacy of the remedies they grant and the implementation of those remedies. This assertion also holds water with regard to the international and regional monitoring bodies established to receive individual complaints related to economic, social and cultural rights (hereinafter ‘ESC rights’ or ‘socio-economic rights’). Remedies can serve two major functions: they are meant, first, to rectify the pecuniary and non-pecuniary damage sustained by the particular victim, and second, to resolve systematic problems existing in the state machinery in order to ensure the non-repetition of the act. Hence, the role of remedies is not confined to correcting the past but also shaping the future by providing reforming measures a state has to undertake. The adequacy of remedies awarded by international and regional human rights bodies is also assessed based on these two benchmarks. The present article examines these issues in relation to individual complaint procedures that deal with the violation of ESC rights, with particular reference to the case laws of the three jurisdictions selected for this work, i.e. the United Nations, Inter-American and African Human Rights Systems.


The United Nations Secretary-General and the United Nations Security Council spend significant amounts of time on their relationship with each other. They rely on each other for such important activities as peacekeeping, international mediation, and the formulation and application of normative standards in defense of international peace and security—in other words, the executive aspects of the UN’s work. The edited book The UN Secretary-General and the Security Council: A Dynamic Relationship aims to fill an important lacuna in the scholarship on the UN system. Although there exists an impressive body of literature on the development and significance of the Secretariat and the Security Council as separate organs, an important gap remains in our understanding of the interactions between them. Bringing together some of the most prominent authorities on the subject, this volume is the first book-length treatment of this topic. It studies the UN from an innovative angle, creating new insights on the (autonomous) policy-making of international organizations and adding to our understanding of the dynamics of intra-organizational relationships. Within the book, the contributors examine how each Secretary-General interacted with the Security Council, touching upon such issues as the role of personality, the formal and informal infrastructure of the relationship, the selection and appointment processes, as well as the Secretary-General’s threefold role as a crisis manager, administrative manager, and manager of ideas.


1964 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 440-442
Author(s):  
Ronald Robinson

At the fourth Cambridge conference on development problems, the role of industry was discussed by ministers, senior officials, economic advisers, and business executives, from 22 African, Asian, and Caribbean countries, the United Nations, and the World Bank. Have some, if not all, of Africa's new nations now reached the stage when it would pay them to put their biggest bets on quick industrialisation? Or must they go on putting most of their money and brains into bringing about an agricultural revolution first, before striving for industrial take-off? These questions started the conference off on one of its big themes.


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