The Local Spaces of Statebuilding: The Case of Albania (1920–1939)

2014 ◽  
Vol 69 (02) ◽  
pp. 287-310
Author(s):  
Nathalie Clayer

Abstract Drawing on studies that envisage the local as a site where nation-state building and the affirmation of sovereignty are produced rather than simply reproduced, this article proposes to shift the focus to the local level. By exploring the case of school policies in interwar Albania, at the very heart of the assertion of the new state’s sovereignty, it studies the control of local space as the locus of these processes. More specifically, it focuses on the power relations surrounding the role of religion in school space, state appropriation of school buildings structuring religious spaces, and the effect of the inscription of actors involved in these negotiations—be they agents of these policies or not—into social spaces.

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-149
Author(s):  
Margarete Scherer

AbstractThis paper focuses on the historical ties between Protestantism and the nation-state, as well as between Catholicism and supranationalism, to widen the political science debate on different conditions of EU issue voting. Research suggests that the political context in each nation-state shapes the extent to which individual Eurosceptic attitudes influence the decision to vote for Eurosceptic parties. In addition to this, I expect that a nations' religious background responds differently to this relationship. Using data from the 2014 European Parliament elections, I show that citizens from predominantly Protestant countries actually decide for Eurosceptic parties if they hold negative attitudes towards European integration. In contrast, citizens from predominantly Catholic countries may or may not vote for Eurosceptic parties, but their voting decision is not based on individual EU attitudes such as support for European integration, trust in EU institutions or European identity.


Author(s):  
Patrick Milton ◽  
Michael Axworthy ◽  
Brendan Simms

This chapter shifts towards the explicitly applicatory part of the book. The parallels and analogies between the Thirty Years War and the contemporary Middle East are systematically expounded. The similarities include structural parallels (such as the complexity and multiple typologies of conflict; contested sovereignty leading to civil war; sequences of escalation with proxy wars escalating to direct military intervention; overarching great power rivalry and realpolitik; state-building wars and the absence of declarations of war), the role of religion and sectarian animosity, the role of monarchy and dynasty, refugees, communications technology, and general atmospheric parallels


2019 ◽  
Vol 172 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-88
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Ellen Nettlefold

This article examines the role of local radio in the contemporary media environment, specifically as a site for community engagement. Previous research finds journalistic organisations, at the local level, are critical to the functioning of society and more needs to be understood about their contemporary role amid destabilised and fragmented public discourse. In contrast to unrestrained and untrustworthy social media platforms, the mediation of local radio can assist in encouraging more inclusive, constructive, and respectful views from people from diverse sectors of society. Empirical research from a case study of a locally produced ABC Radio Community Conversation event exploring community tensions about built, heritage and environmental development in the Australian island state of Tasmania provides new insights into how the facilitation of local radio discussion can help build trust, public knowledge and enable greater participation. Listening and transparency from journalists about their practices is important, creating a space where people can connect in a civil and empathetic way not easily afforded by social media.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 217-241
Author(s):  
Michael A. Helfand

This article considers the extent to which the liberal nation-state ought to accommodate religious practices that contravene state law and to incorporate religious discourse into public debate. To address these questions, the article develops a liberalism of sincerity based on John Locke’s theory of toleration. On such an account, liberalism imposes a duty of sincerity to prevent individuals from consenting to a regime that exercises control over matters of core concern such as faith, religion, and conscience. Liberal theory grounds the legitimacy of the state in the consent of the governed, but consenting to an intolerant regime is illegitimate because it empowers government to demand insincere conduct. Thus, demanding that citizens pursue sincerity ensures that they do not consent away their individual liberties in exchange for promises of security and orderliness. The focus on sincerity also reorients the value that liberalism places on religious pluralism. Although many liberal theorists have proposed that religious pluralism is valuable because it provides individuals with a range of choices on how to live the good life, such theories provide little reason to promote and protect any particular religion. Indeed, if religions are important only because of the range of choice they provide, then the only concern of liberalism is to maintain enough religions so as to provide a meaningful range of options for how to live the good life; conversely, there is no reason to provide accommodations for any particular religion to aid its survival. By contrast, a liberalism of sincerity impels the liberal nation-state to widen the protections afforded to the expressions of sincerity, such as religious conduct and religious discourse. Because religious conduct and religious arguments flow from an individual’s commitment to sincerity, liberalism should provide broad protection for such religious activity in order to enable citizens to pursue sincerity.


1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
KATHLEEN M. NOONAN

Seventeenth-century English men and women, caught in the upheaval of the Civil War, sought to understand what it was to be English and sought to grasp England's proper role in the world. One of the ways in which they did this was through their encounters with other people. The Irish had a long history of interaction with the English, but in the middle of the seventeenth century their role in defining Englishness became acute. Late Tudor and early Jacobean commentaries on Ireland had stressed the superiority of English culture while acknowledging some virtues of Ireland and its people that would make it amenable to beneficial transformation by the English. In the middle of the century, occasioned by the events of the 1641 uprising, this ameliorative view of the Irish gave way to the view that English and Irish were incompatible. Earlier studies have emphasized the role of religion in the discordant relationship between the two peoples in the seventeenth century. This essay maintains that the shift in attitude had as much to do with ethnicity as it did with religion and considers the central role of John Temple and his treatise The Irish rebellion in changing English attitudes on both a national and local level. The study suggests that Temple's view became the dominant one for more than 200 years because of the demographic changes within the Irish community in London and puritan concerns about a godly community that occurred at the time Temple set forth his ideas.


2021 ◽  
pp. 231-248
Author(s):  
Vlad Naumescu

This chapter explores a transformative moment in the religious Cold War that led to a new vision of Orthodox Christianity articulated in an educational project for the youth. Pointing to the interconnected histories of cold war politics and postcolonial nation-building it shows how a religious minority in South India managed to transcend the boundaries of the nation-state and establish an international Orthodox alliance that could help them handle tensions within the church, respond to secular challenges and become leaders in global ecumenism. Channelling these apologetic struggles into the educational field, the Indian Orthodox Church pioneered a Christian curriculum for the Oriental churches which provided an alternative for their own communities, transcending ideological differences and cold war divisions and reaffirming the role of religion in the secular world.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Ahmad Ubaedillah

<p>Modernity as a global phenomenon has been the most driving matter, said<br />those scholars of modernity, that potentially threat the existent of tradition<br />and religion. Both would vanish once the project of secularism accomplishes.<br />However, since the global modernity, whether represented by secular state,<br />nation state, and democracy, failed to fulfil its promises, tradition and religions<br />in general have reemerged to be likely a new device employed by their<br />adherents to express their grievances and discontents. In such regard, recent<br />Islamic movements promoting the slogan of “back to the authentic Islam”<br />can be a better example to examine the relationship between modernity and<br />religion. Accordingly, the paper, based on my field research, would discuss<br />the role of religion in modern era as represented by Darul Arkam, an Islamic<br />spiritual maternity or Tarekat (Thar6iqa, Arabic) in Indonesia after the collapse<br />of Suharto’s military regime in 1998. Originally, the movement of Darul<br />Arkam came into being in Malaysia as a spiritually-social-urban Muslim organization.<br />How did its leaders understand Islam in regard to changing social<br />and political situation and how did they combine economic and religious<br />activities will be the main topics of the paper, together with their views on<br />contemporary issues related to Islam and politics after Soeharto era.</p><p>Modernitas sebagai sebuah fenomena global merupakan faktor paling<br />berpengaruh, demikian para teoritis moderisme menyatakan, terhadap<br />keberadaan tradisi dan agama. Kedua unsur ini akan lenyap seiring dengan<br />dengan keberhasilan yang dicapai oleh proyek sekularisme yang berlangsung<br />secara global. Namun demikian, sejak gerakan modernisme, yang diwakili antara<br />lain oleh konsep negara sekuler, negara bangsa, dan demokrasi, dianggap telah<br />gagal memenuhi janji-janjinya, tradisi dan agama secara umum kembali menjadi<br />media untuk mengungkapkan kekecewaan mereka terhadap kegagalan dan<br />akibat-akibat yang ditimbulkan oleh modernism. Pada situasi ketidak puasaan<br />ini, gereakan-gerakan Islam dewasa ini yang mempropagandakan gagasan<br />“kembali kepada Islam yang otentik” dapat menjadi sebuah contoh yang tepat<br />untuk menganalisa hubungan kekinian anatara modernitas dan agama.<br />Berdasarkan riset lapangan, tulisan ini akan memaparkan peran koumintas<br />agama, yang diwakili oleh organisasi Darul Arkam, sebuah perkumpulan yang<br />diikat oleh rasa persaudaran Muslim atau biasa dikenal dengan tarekat, di Indonesia<br />paska jatuhnya kekuasaan Presidean Soeharto pada 1998. Darul Arkam<br />sendiri merupakan organisasi komunitas Muslim urban yang muncul pertama<br />kali di Malaysia. Bagaimana pemimpin Darul Arkam memahami ajaran Islam<br />dalam situasi sosial-politik yang tengah berubah di Indonesia dan bagaimana<br />mereka menggabungkan antara aktifitas keagamaan dan ekonomi akan menjadi<br />pembahasan pokok tulisan ini, selain respon mereka terhadap isu-isu yang<br />berkembang di era reformasi.</p><p> </p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 213-224
Author(s):  
Jennifer Erickson

This chapter concludes that globalized capitalism has resulted in unprecedented amounts of goods, services, ideas, and people circulating the planet, which has provoked a range of responses at the local level, from excitement and acceptance of new forms of diversity, to fear, aversion, and panic, depending on one's experiences and point of view. The ever-increasing numbers of refugees and immigrants around the world calls into question the role of the nation state and how citizenship has been defined and practiced at national and local levels. It states that cities also host parallel assemblages, where even chance encounters with certain groups of people (for example, New Americans) are minimal and lack context and meaning, which can serve to fuel fear and hate. The chapter discusses “incipient commoning”, and how sensationalist media has shaped the contours of the refugee resettlement debate in Fargo.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (6) ◽  
pp. 1100-1116
Author(s):  
Anton Oleinik

This article offers an overview of myths that may become a foundation of for shared memories of the Ukrainian nation’s past. According to Anthony Smith, common historical myths play a key role in the “ethnic” model of nationhood that constitutes the East European path to building a nation-state. The list of key myths that help constitute the Ukrainian identity includes Cossackdom, freedom, national independence, individualism, and democracy. It is argued that the existing historical myths have to be carefully assessed and adapted to the needs of nation-state building.


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