President Obama & the First Lady at the White House Conference on Bullying Prevention

Author(s):  
Jesse Lee
Author(s):  
Adrian Miller

This chapter explores how presidential food preparation changes when the president travels to a destination, and stays away from the White House for an extended period of time. This chapter focuses on cooks who prepared food in a variety of contexts: the presidential train, the presidential yacht and Air Force One. This chapter chronologically profiles: railroad cooks Joe Brown, John Smeades and Delefasse Green; Elizabeth "Lizzie" McDuffie, Daisy Bonner, Ronald L. Jackson, Charlie Redden, Lee Simmons and Wanda Joell. Through their experiences, this chapter illuminates the strategies that presidents would pursue to get the comfort foods they loved and take a temporary break from the diets imposed upon them by the First Lady or the presidential physician. The chapter also details how the White House Mess was created and initially staffed. This chapter includes recipes for Daisy Bonner's cheese soufflé, Hawaiian French toast, and jerk chicken pita pizza.


Author(s):  
Adrian Miller

This chapter itemizes and elaborates on four different component parts (described in the book as "ingredients") that make-up presidential foodways. The first ingredient relates to the president: his or her palate, food philosophy, schedule, wealth and prerogative. The second ingredient involves the people who surround the president: the First Lady, the president's physician, and those who procure food for the White House. The third ingredient is White House culture: the workspace, kitchen equipment and technology, co-workers, perks, presidential pets, wildlife in and outside of the White House and racial attitudes. The fourth ingredient is the unexpected influences: the U.S. Congress, public perception, food gifts from the public, and the climate in Washington, D.C. The chapter includes recipes for roast ducks, popovers (a quick bread), and sweet potato cheesecake.


Author(s):  
Robin D. G. Kelley

The chapter argues that President Obama had to “transcend” race by invoking a politics of color-blindness, building unity not by collectively acknowledging that the nation has a race problem, but through forgetting and ignoring the past and present. Moreover, anyone who believes an Obama administration is willing or able to challenge neoliberalism or has an interest in dismantling empire is deluded. He is president, and halfway into his first term he had made his political agenda clear: he has escalated the war in Afghanistan, is reluctant to reverse Bush policies of extraordinary rendition or refusing terror suspects trial, backed a watered-down health care reform bill, and the list goes on. Of course, he also faces the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression and intractable House and Senate Republicans. Obama may have been shaped by abolition democracy, but it is simply impossible to be a drum major for justice in the White House.


Journalism ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 519-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsey Meeks

In 2014, President Barack Obama made history by only calling upon women journalists during a domestic news conference with the White House press corps. To capitalize on and examine this critical first in journalism, this study analyzed the potential influence of a journalist’s gender in White House press corps news conferences with President Obama a year before and a year after the all-female conference. The content analysis examined what political issues journalists emphasized in presidential news conferences and whether these issue emphases varied (a) by journalists’ gender and (b) before and after the all-female conference. Results revealed that, to some extent, men and women emphasized different issues. Furthermore, there were marked shifts after the all-female conference. First, women were called upon more often. Second, women emphasized several issues more than men. In particular, women became predominant on questions dealing with so-called ‘masculine’ or ‘hard news’ issues, for example, macroeconomics and foreign trade. This work suggests that gender, in all of its permutations – be it the journalist’s gender, the gendering of issues, or the gendering of occupational spaces – matters and may affect journalists’ lines of questioning.


Eos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 096 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randy Showstack

John Holdren, science adviser to President Obama, critiqued geoscience budget cuts passed by the House of Representatives and Congress members equating geosciences with climate change research.


2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 537-547 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine L. Record

President Obama entered the White House with a clearly defined goal: expanding healthcare coverage to all Americans. He marketed this goal to the public and Congress as a “moral imperative,” as well as a necessary means to achieving a “more effective and efficient health care system.” Yet as reform proceeded, it became clear that the latter was the preeminent, if not only, goal of most legislators. While the President's rhetoric was essential in drumming up support for historic reform, it reflects an appreciation for human rights that many Americans do not share. As Congress focused on the failings of the most expensive healthcare system in the world, it became evident that the right to health (a fundamental and nonderogable human right under international law) would not be a factor in the new legislation.This defining characteristic of reform may, paradoxically, prove invaluable in preserving the law. In challenging the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), litigators, politicians, and judges have focused on principles of federalism, asserting that Congress has overstepped its authority in enacting such landmark legislation. As opponents hone in on the insurance mandate and Medicaid expansion, they condemn the unprecedented expansion of coverage that moves America closer to realizing a universal right to health. The government has an extremely strong argument that these provisions are properly grounded within Congress’s authority to regulate commerce or within its taxing and spending power, although legal scholars differ on the Supreme Court’s projected interpretation of the matter. Still, the law’s basis in economic regulation, and not rights, will, if anything, prove to be its saving element.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-70
Author(s):  
Harold Ivan Smith

Eleanor Roosevelt experienced demanding challenges following the unexpected death of her husband, Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR), the president of the United States, on April 12, 1945. That she was no longer first lady led to a series of secondary losses: the loss of status, the loss of staff, the loss of financial security, and, within a week, the loss of her primary residence, The White House. Her transition into “Widow Roosevelt” was complicated by her discovery that FDR had died in the presence of Lucy Mercer Rutherfurd, with whom he had had an affair during World War I. As a condition for staying married and having a political career, he agreed never to see Lucy again. The circumstances of FDR’s betrayal and death were kept secret for nearly two decades. A week after FDR’s death, Eleanor answered a question about her future by a New York Times reporter, with a tense, “The story is over.” However, Harry Truman, FDR’s successor, had other ideas and appointed her as a delegate to the United Nations. Over the next 17 years, Eleanor evolved into “First Lady of the World” and had a significant role in world affairs and American politics.


Author(s):  
Desmond S. King ◽  
Rogers M. Smith

Why have American policies failed to reduce the racial inequalities still pervasive throughout the nation? Has President Barack Obama defined new political approaches to race that might spur unity and progress? This book examines the enduring divisions of American racial politics and how these conflicts have been shaped by distinct political alliances and their competing race policies. Combining deep historical knowledge with a detailed exploration of such issues as housing, employment, criminal justice, multiracial census categories, immigration, voting in majority-minority districts, and school vouchers, the book assesses the significance of President Obama's election to the White House and the prospects for achieving constructive racial policies for America's future. Offering a fresh perspective on the networks of governing institutions, political groups, and political actors that influence the structure of American racial politics, the book identifies three distinct periods of opposing racial policy coalitions in American history. It investigates how today's alliances pit color-blind and race-conscious approaches against one another, contributing to political polarization and distorted policymaking. Contending that President Obama has so far inadequately confronted partisan divisions over race, the book calls for all sides to recognize the need for a balance of policy measures if America is to ever cease being a nation divided. Presenting a powerful account of American political alliances and their contending racial agendas, this book sheds light on a policy path vital to the country's future.


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