Psychometric Properties of Scores on Three Black Racial Identity Scales

Author(s):  
Crystal M. Simmons ◽  
Frank C. Worrell ◽  
Jane M. Berry
Assessment ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Crystal Simmons ◽  
Frank C. Worrell ◽  
Jane M. Berry

Author(s):  
Kortney Floyd James ◽  
Dawn M. Aycock ◽  
Jennifer L. Barkin ◽  
Kimberly A. Hires

Background: This study examined the relationship between racial identity clusters and postpartum depressive symptoms (PPDS) in Black postpartum mothers living in Georgia. Aims: A cross-sectional study design using Cross’s nigrescence theory as a framework was used to explore the relationship between Black racial identity and PPDS. Method: Black mothers were administered online questionnaires via Qualtrics. A total sample of 116 self-identified Black mothers were enrolled in the study. Participants ranged in age from 18 to 41 years ( M = 29.5 ± 5.3) and their infants were 1 to 12 months old ( M = 5.6 ± 3.5). The majority of mothers were married or cohabitating with their partner (71%), had a college degree (53%), and worked full-time (57%). Results: Hierarchical cluster analysis identified six racial identity clusters within the sample: Assimilated and Miseducated, Self-Hating, Anti-White, Multiculturalist, Low Race Salience, and Conflicted. A Kruskal-Wallis H test determined there was no difference in PPDS scores between racial identity clusters. Conclusion: This study is the first to explore the relationship between Black racial identity clusters of postpartum mothers and their mental health. Findings emphasize the complexity of Black racial identity and suggest that the current assessment tools may not adequately detect PPDS in Black mothers. The implications for these findings in nursing practice and future research are discussed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (87) ◽  
pp. 589-609
Author(s):  
Ana Flávia Rezende ◽  
Flávia Luciana Naves Mafra ◽  
Jussara Jéssica Pereira

ABSTRACT This paper addresses the case of five lack entrepreneurs who own businesses a public that for years has denied a esthetic and phenotypic traits. These spaces, branded as ‘ethnic salons’, aim to take care of the curly and / or Afrohair of Black men and women.In the face of this context, we ask: how canBlack entrepreneurs and enterprisesconfront colonialmentality in social relations, by creating businesses aimed at giving value to, and appreciatingthe identity of Black men and women? The field research was conducted via observations and interviews,collecting narratives from both. The narratives went through a process of synthesis and analysisprocesses that allowed us to flag the motivesbehind these enterprises, as well as the racial/ethnic acceptance present in these spaces. Thus, the main contribution of this paper is to discuss ‘hairtype’ as a constitutive element of Black racial identity, and the opportunity for more autonomywhen entering the labor market.


Identity ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Frank C. Worrell ◽  
Peony E. Fhagen ◽  
Beverly J. Vandiver ◽  
William E. Cross

Education ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank C. Worrell

Racial identity is one of the most frequently studied cultural identities in the United States, and it is examined most frequently in relation to African Americans. Racial identity is also examined in European American samples to a lesser extent, and there is a growing literature on the racial identity of biracial and multiracial individuals. Racial identity and ethnic identity are similar constructs, and there are some researchers who do not distinguish between the constructs, using the terms and the measurement instruments interchangeably. However, as the instruments are developed in relation to theoretical models that speak to one or the other construct specifically (i.e., ethnic or racial identity), this perspective is not adopted in this article. Thus this article focuses solely on racial identity as a construct and does not include literature on ethnic identity or studies that used instruments developed to measure ethnic identity. The relationship between racial identity and learning, and more specifically academic achievement, is typically studied in the context of the achievement gap among racial and ethnic groups in the United States, and is most closely associated with the achievement gap between African American and European American students. Thus, studies of the relationship of racial identity to learning typically involve black racial identity but not white racial identity. In most of the scholarship in this area, researchers examine the relationship of black racial identity attitudes to academic achievement or other academic constructs (e.g., motivation). Additionally, two of the preeminent theories of underachievement in African Americans and other underachieving groups—that is, cultural ecological theory and stereotype threat—implicate racial identity as a contributing factor. Although there is a strong belief that racial identity is related to learning, there is still considerable debate about the contexts in which this relationship is manifested and the strength and explanatory power of the relationship, and the evidence in favor of a direct relationship between the racial identity and learning is mixed at best.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 621-638
Author(s):  
Richard Johnson

AbstractMany commentators have described Barack Obama as a ‘deracialized’ politician. In contrast to ‘racialized’ Black candidates, deracialized politicians are said to deemphasize their Black racial identity, downplay the racial legacies of American inequality, and favor race-neutral over racially targeted policies. Puzzlingly, this narrative of Obama’s racial politics sits incongruously with his political curriculum vitae, spent largely in contexts which are difficult to describe as deracialized. This article holds that commentators have misjudged Barack Obama’s racial politics by conflating a contingent electoral strategy with a deeper expression of Obama’s racial philosophical commitments. In explaining these commitments, the article finds the deracialized/racialized framing inadequate. Instead, it favors the typology of racial policy alliances situating Obama within the “race-conscious” policy alliance rather than the “color-blind” alliance. By returning to the site of Obama’s political development, Hyde Park in Chicago, the paper uncovers a tradition of racial politics in which Blacks formed coalitions with progressive Whites but also embraced Black racial identity, acknowledged the enduring legacies of slavery and Jim Crow, and supported targeted policies to overturn these racial legacies. The article argues that Obama was an inheritor of this tradition.


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