Economic Cultures and Industrial Development in the South

2000 ◽  
pp. 167-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Árni Sverrisson
1971 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Bateman ◽  
James D. Foust ◽  
Thomas J. Weiss

An examination of the manuscript censuses of manufacturing in 1850 and 1860 indicates the forthcoming revision of many traditional interpretations of American industrial development. This study suggests that large-scale manufacturing in the South and West was quite similar in the decade before the Civil War and that antebellum manufacturing was sufficiently concentrated to imply that the model of perfect competition is as inappropriate a description of mid-nineteenth century industrial structure as it is of twentieth century industry.


1991 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 100-112
Author(s):  
Eric M. Mackey

This paper analyzes the impact of industrial change on partisan transitions in the American South. Using aggregate data from the decennial censes from 1940 to 1980 and aggregate election returns for roughly this same period, the primary finding is a weak and often contradictory bivariate relationship between industrial employment and partisan support in the South. The results were usually much worse for a typical economic development thesis when the dependent and independent variables were operationalized dynamically and when presidential voting and congressional voting were analyzed separately. Overall, the evidence in this paper does not suggest that the Republican party is necessarily or often a beneficiary of industrialization. Neither does it speak well for the possibility of pursuing industrial development as a means of promoting partisan democracy in the South or any other geopolitical context.


Author(s):  
David Goldfield

While colonial New Englanders gathered around town commons, settlers in the Southern colonials sprawled out on farms and plantations. The distinctions had more to do with the varying objectives of these colonial settlements and the geography of deep-flowing rivers in the South than with any philosophical predilections. The Southern colonies did indeed sprout towns, but these were places of planters’ residences, planters’ enslaved Africans, and the plantation economy, an axis that would persist through the antebellum period. Still, the aspirations of urban Southerners differed little from their Northern counterparts in the decades before the Civil War. The institution of slavery and an economy emphasizing commercial agriculture hewed the countryside close to the urban South, not only in economics, but also in politics. The devastation of the Civil War rendered the ties between city and country in the South even tighter. The South participated in the industrial revolution primarily to the extent of processing crops. Factories were often located in small towns and did not typically contribute to urbanization. City boosters aggressively sought and subsidized industrial development, but a poorly educated labor force and the scarcity of capital restricted economic development. Southern cities were more successful in legalizing the South’s culture of white supremacy through legal segregation and the memorialization of the Confederacy. But the dislocations triggered by World War II and the billions of federal dollars poured into Southern urban infrastructure and industries generated hope among civic leaders for a postwar boom. The civil rights movement after 1950, with many of its most dramatic moments focused on the South’s cities, loosened the connection between Southern city and region as cities chose development rather than the stagnation that was certain to occur without a moderation of race relations. The predicted economic bonanza occurred. Young people left the rural areas and small towns of the South for the larger cities to find work in the postindustrial economy and, for the first time in over a century, the urban South received migrants in appreciable numbers from other parts of the country and the world. The lingering impact of spatial distinctions and historical differences (particularly those related to the Civil War) linger in Southern cities, but exceptionalism is a fading characteristic.


1953 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 319
Author(s):  
Stefan H. Robock

1987 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia E. Ibarra-Obando ◽  
Anamaría Escofet

In November 1983, the construction of the first part of an assembling plant of jackets to support oil-drilling platforms began at Punta Banda estuary, a 16.40 km2 coastal estuary located 150 km south of the USA-México border. The area that is being built on (0.45 km2) is located at the south-west corner of the estuary and is delimited by a dike. The second part of the construction, covering a further 0.40 km2, will extend to the south-east and will require some deflection of the main circulation channel.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-213
Author(s):  
D. B. Kalashnikov

The article discusses the true goals and benefits of China’s assistance to the South. A hypothesis reveals the relationship between China’s transition to an innovative development model and its interest in the industrialization of the least developed countries. The tasks of modernizing the economy and the national interests of China in the context of the modern international labor division are analyzed. To ensure the growth of incomes of the population to the level of developed countries, the creation of a post-industrial structure of the economy is required. This means that a number of industrial functions must be transferred to such backward countries that, without Chinese capital and technology, are not able to industrialize. In addition, for China, the problem of equilibrium of the balance of payments is urgent, the solution to which is to increase imports of simple goods and make direct investments within the Chinese Global Value Chains. Analysis of directions and first results of Chinese development assistance confirmed its important contribution to solving these problems, as well as its systemic nature within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. The Initiative coordinates the construction of power plants, all types of infrastructure, and on their basis the development of industry and consumption under the control of Chinese companies. Therefore, all types of grants or concessional assistance to the South can be considered as investments into the development of the Chinese economy, which has gone beyond national borders. At the same time, participation in the Initiative brings benefits and growth prospects up to the level of the modern PRC for the most backward countries, but does not create growth opportunities for countries with already developed industry and an average standard of living, on the contrary, it reduces their space for post-industrialization.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-345 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractThis article argues for a historical materialist approach, which exposes the condition of widespread routine poverty, unemployment and malnutrition in the world to be a modern worldhistorical product, the outcome of five centuries of global capitalist expansion under relations of imperialism. The bourgeoisie has, through its exploitation of its world-market, given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. All established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous raw materials, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. It creates wealth but also inequality. As a result of this globalisation, over 75 percent of the world population lives in underdevelopment, and extreme poverty has already reached 1.2 billion people in the third world. The revenue of the richest nations that in 1960 was 37 times larger then that of the poorest is now 82 times larger in 2002. The situation has such extremes that the assets of the three-wealthiest persons in the world amount to the GDP of the 48 poorest countries combined. The most affluent 5 per cent in the globe presently earn 114 times as much as the poorest 5 per cent. Even more mind-boggling, the 500 richest people currently own $1.54 trillion, which is more than the entire GDP of Africa. The central premise of this study is to analysis of the pattern of trade, development and inequality between the advanced industrial countries and the rest of the world. The growth of capitalism in nineteenth century Europe would have been possible to exploit of African and Asian markets and source of raw materials. In the new imperialism era, by the fact that Britain's predominant position in world markets was then beginning to be challenge by industrial rivals like the Americans. Both America and the European Union they have been possible to exploit of the Third World markets. This study is to evaluate to promote the local technological capacity co-operation among the south region for the development in the new era of globalisation. This co-operation is dealt with as agents for promoting industrial development in developing world, employment generation to locals, plus further export expansion from these regions.


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