Postcolonial Criticism, Transnational Identifications and the Hegemonies of Dancehall's Academic and Popular Performativities

2008 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denise Noble
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Public Space ◽  
The Body ◽  
Collective Identities ◽  
Cultural Discourses ◽  
Black Representation ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Personal Consumption ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Dancehall Culture

Despite the unprecedented freedoms that decolonization has brought for many Black1 people – especially in specific regions of the African Diaspora – freedom and its fulfilment, adequate signs and contested meanings remain a preoccupation within Black cultural discourses and practices. At the same time, while political and cultural nationalisms have led to greater political and civil rights, racism has not been eradicated. Furthermore, the new postcolonial globalizations of capital, people and cultures have destabilized the collective identities that framed twentieth-century struggles for national sovereignty and equal citizenship, without necessarily erasing them. Instead, they remain, no longer securely anchored in their old homogenous appearances, but re-configured through the inner differences and contradictions of gender, sexuality, ethnicity and religion. This article addresses these internal differences and the ways in which they produce new contestations over race, the meaning of Black representation and postcolonial freedom, negotiations that are increasingly traced on the intimate contours of the body and the self, through practices of personal consumption, erotic hedonism and style as key performances of freedom. It achieves this through examining two localized moments in the transnational and diasporic circulation of Jamaican dancehall culture, understood as a privileged public space for the performance of Black identifications and personal freedom. It argues that the eroticized discourses of ethnicity, race and gender found in dancehall culture articulate the dominance of neo-liberal conceptions of freedom at the same time as they express, resist and comment on new cultural hegemonies not reducible to racism or the power of the West; that is how dancehall expresses the new problematizations of postcoloniality. 1 Except when quoting other writers, I will capitalise the word Black, in order to recognise Black identity as a historically and politically constituted experience and representational category, and not solely denoting skin colour.

Rewriting the Body: Aida Overton Walker and the Social Formation of Cakewalking

1996 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Krasner
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Performing Arts ◽  
West African ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
The Body ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
The Social ◽  
Anna Julia Cooper ◽  
And Gender

Although Aida Overton Walker (1880–1914) belonged to the same generation of turn-of-the-century African American performers as did Bob Cole, J. Rosamond Johnson, Bert Williams, and George Walker, she had a rather different view of how best to represent her race and gender in the performing arts. Walker taught white society in New York City how to do the Cakewalk, a celebratory dance with links to West African festival dance. In Walker's choreography of it, it was reconfigured with some ingenuity to accommodate race, gender, and class identities in an era in which all three were in flux. Her strategy depended on being flexible, on being able to make the transition from one cultural milieu to another, and on adjusting to new patterns of thinking. Walker had to elaborate her choreography as hybrid, merging her interpretation of cakewalking with the preconceptions of a white culture that became captivated by its form. To complicate matters, Walker's choreography developed during a particularly unstable and volatile period. As Anna Julia Cooper remarked in 1892.

Unequal values: equality and race in state of the union addresses, 1960–2018

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-528 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodney E. Hero ◽  
Morris Levy
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Major Focus ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Civil Rights Era ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
State Of The Union ◽  
Economic Individualism ◽  
And Gender

AbstractWe analyze the prevalence and framing of references to equality and inequality in presidential state of the union addresses (SOTUs) delivered between 1960 and 2018. Despite rising income inequality and increased attention among political elites to structural inequalities of race and gender in recent years, we find very few direct or indirect references to inequality as a social problem and surprisingly few references even to the ostensibly consensual and primary values of equal opportunity and political equality. References to racial inequality have been few and far between since the height of the civil rights era. By contrast, another primary value in the American political tradition—economic individualism are a major focus in these SOTUs. We trace the scant presence of equality talk in these speeches to the ambiguous scope of egalitarian goals and principles and their close tie-in with race in America. We rely on automated text analysis and systematic hand-coding of these speeches to identify broad thematic emphases as well as on close reading to interpret the patterns that these techniques reveal.

scholarly journals In self defense : black female journalists' advocacy in the Cold War

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Rachel (Rachel Lindsey) Grant
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
White Woman ◽  
Black Female ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Self Defense ◽  
Female Journalists ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Cold War

"Mary Church Terrell, Black female journalist and civil rights activist, stood in front of the United Nations board in Lake Success, New York, on Sept. 21, 1949, to present a brief on Rosa Lee Ingram. Ingram and her two sons had been sentenced in 1948 to life in prison after they were accused of murdering John Stratford, their white neighbor who attacked Ingram after her livestock ventured onto his Georgia property. As a mother of 14 children, Ingram believed she acted in self-defense, but the Southern justice of an all-white jury convicted her. In front of an audience of 75 people, Terrell stated: "Under similar circumstances it is inconceivable that such an unjust sentence would have been imposed upon a white woman and her sons." She went further in noting the role that both race and gender played in the Ingram case." -- Introduction

scholarly journals Using a Rotating 3D LiDAR on a Mobile Robot for Estimation of Person’s Body Angle and Gender

Sensors ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (14) ◽  
pp. 3964
Author(s):  
Dražen Brščić ◽  
Rhys Wyn Evans ◽  
Matthias Rehm ◽  
Takayuki Kanda
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Simulated Data ◽  
Absolute Error ◽  
Human Robot Interaction ◽  
The Body ◽  
People Tracking ◽  
Body Angle ◽  
Lidar Measurements ◽  
And Gender ◽  
3D Lidar

We studied the use of a rotating multi-layer 3D Light Detection And Ranging (LiDAR) sensor (specifically the Velodyne HDL-32E) mounted on a social robot for the estimation of features of people around the robot. While LiDARs are often used for robot self-localization and people tracking, we were interested in the possibility of using them to estimate the people’s features (states or attributes), which are important in human–robot interaction. In particular, we tested the estimation of the person’s body orientation and their gender. As collecting data in the real world and labeling them is laborious and time consuming, we also looked into other ways for obtaining data for training the estimators: using simulations, or using LiDAR data collected in the lab. We trained convolutional neural network-based estimators and tested their performance on actual LiDAR measurements of people in a public space. The results show that with a rotating 3D LiDAR a usable estimate of the body angle can indeed be achieved (mean absolute error 33.5 ° ), and that using simulated data for training the estimators is effective. For estimating gender, the results are satisfactory (accuracy above 80%) when the person is close enough; however, simulated data do not work well and training needs to be done on actual people measurements.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charissa J. Threat
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Gender Discrimination ◽  
The United States ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Army Nurse Corps ◽  
Agents Of Change ◽  
Military Nursing ◽  
And Gender

This book examines the battles over race and gender discrimination and social justice by linking the civil rights story of the Army Nurse Corps (ANC) to critical events in the United States between World War II and the Vietnam War. Using the microcosm of military nursing, it considers how agents of change became defenders of exclusionary practices when some of the same women who challenged their exclusion from the military or civilian nursing profession, or those who had gained considerable status within the profession, were unwilling to extend the opportunities to men who sought out military nursing careers. The book also explores the connection between the campaigns to integrate the ANC and the domestic and international anxieties during the Cold War by suggesting that anticommunism both hindered and supported the prospect for gender and race equality within the ANC and, by extension, civilian society.

scholarly journals Political correctness: back then and now

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 7-34
Author(s):  
I.I. Valuitseva ◽  
◽  
M.O. Krukovskaia ◽  
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Political Correctness ◽  
New York Times ◽  
Black Population ◽  
Time Intervals ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Social Events ◽  
The Social ◽  
And Gender

ork Age, Atlanta Voice, The Atlantic and others. Materials from early newspapers were taken from the New York Times official archives. The presented research aims, among other things, to identify the social factors that affect certain politically taboo vocabulary units in relation to the black population in America, how the environment and social events have influenced the politically correct language. The following analysis has identified the most frequently tabooed lexical units for a given period of time and the frequency of their occurrence in American public opinion at different time intervals. The article provides concrete examples of language changes at the morphological and lexical level as a response to an existing social demand in society, such as combating discrimination on the grounds of race and gender in public space, in employment or in personal interaction, combating xenophobia and segregation at the level of politically correct language. Projections, concerning the derivation in ethically appropriate language, are made on the basis of the obtained data about the future development vector of political correctness indicators.

“Up for it” or “asking for it”? Violence against women in the age of postfeminism

2020 ◽  
pp. 095935352096397
Author(s):  
Kathryn E Frazier
Keyword(s):  
Female Body ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
The Body ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Perceptions Of Risk ◽  
Competing Demands ◽  
The Us ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Gender Presentation ◽  
Discursive Constructions

Postfeminist young women are encouraged to “embrace” their sexuality by sexualizing their bodies as a means of empowerment. In stark contrast, dominant understandings of violence identify these same bodily displays as risk factors, condemning women who enact them as “asking for” victimization. While these competing demands on the female body have been widely documented in popular media, empirical work has not investigated if, and the extent to which, women reproduce these tension-filled constructions of the body in their own lives. Using in-depth interviews with 15 participants of varied race, class and gender identity in the US, this paper explores the ways in which these conflicting discursive constructions of the body are enacted by participants in their everyday lives. While participants took up varied sensibilities of the body and empowerment (including several that emphasized sexiness and sexuality), participants uniformly discussed perceptions of risk that inscribed the female body as vulnerable. This produced tensions in reasoning for some participants (but not all), in ways that were intersectionally inflected by race and gender presentation. More broadly, data suggests that postfeminist (and other) visions of the body that appear to otherwise produce lived experiences of empowerment are deemed invalid in contexts of risk.

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