scholarly journals Affective computing scholarship and the rise of China: a view from 25 years of bibliometric data

Author(s):  
Manh-Tung Ho ◽  
Peter Mantello ◽  
Hong-Kong T. Nguyen ◽  
Quan-Hoang Vuong

AbstractAffective computing, also known as emotional artificial intelligence (AI), is an emerging and cutting-edge field of AI research. It draws on computer science, engineering, psychology, physiology, and neuroscience to computationally model, track, and classify human emotions and affective states. While the US once dominated the field in terms of research and citation from 1995–2015, China is now emerging as a global contender in research output, claiming second place for the most cited country from 2016–2020. This article maps the rhizomatic growth and development of scientific publications devoted to emotion-sensing AI technologies. It employs a bibliometric analysis that identifies major national contributors and international alliances in the field over the past 25 years. Contrary to the ongoing political rhetoric of a new Cold War, we argue that there are in fact vibrant AI research alliances and ongoing collaborations between the West and China, especially with the US, despite competing interests and ethical concerns. Our observations of historical data indicate two major collaborative networks: the “US/Asia-Pacific cluster” consisting of the US, China, Singapore, Japan and the “European” cluster of Germany, the UK, and the Netherlands. Our analysis also uncovers a major shift in the focus of affective computing research away from diagnosis and detection of mental illnesses to more commercially viable applications in smart city design. The discussion notes the state-of-the-art techniques such as the ensemble method of symbolic and sub-symbolic AI as well as the absence of Russia in the list of top countries for scientific output.

2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
SH Zyoud ◽  
SW Al-Jabi ◽  
WM Sweileh

Purpose: There is a lack of data concerning the evaluation of scientific research productivity in paracetamol poisoning from the world. The purposes of this study were to analyse the worldwide research output related to paracetamol poisoning and to examine the authorship pattern and the citations retrieved from the Scopus database for over a decade. Methods: Data were searched for documents with specific words regarding paracetamol poisoning as ‘keywords’ in the title or/and abstract. Scientific output was evaluated based on a methodology developed and used in other bibliometric studies. Research productivity was adjusted to the national population and nominal gross domestic product (GDP) per capita. Results: There were 1721 publications that met the criteria during study period from the world. All retrieved documents were published from 72 countries. The largest number of articles related to paracetamol poisoning was from the United States (US; 30.39%), followed by India (10.75%) and the United Kingdom (UK; 9.36%). The total number of citations at the time of data analysis was 21,109, with an average of 12.3 citations per each documents and median (interquartile range) of 4 (1–14). The h-index of the retrieved documents was 57. After adjusting for economy and population power, India (124.2), Nigeria (18.6) and the US (10.5) had the highest research productivity. Countries with large economies, such as the UK, Australia, Japan, China and France, tended to rank relatively low after adjustment for GDP over the entire study period. Conclusion: Our study demonstrates evidence that research productivity related to paracetamol poisoning has increased rapidly during the recent years. The US obviously dominated in research productivity. However, certain smaller country such as Nigeria has high scientific output relative to their population size and GDP. A highly noticeable increase in the contributions of Asia-Pacific and Middle East regions to scientific literature related to paracetamol poisoning was also observed.


Author(s):  
Tatheer Zahra Sherazi ◽  
Amna Mahmood

Asia Pacific, which is extended Eastward to the states of Oceania, Westward to Pakistan, Southward to New Zealand, and Northward to Mongolia, is currently a pivot of the globe due to its economic growth. Since last two decades, it has got status of ‘growth center’ owing to its high economic growth rate. The United States (US) had been very active in Asia Pacific throughout the Cold War period, but in post-Cold War era, it was disengaged due to its pre-occupation in Middle East. However, the rise of China attracted US again with multiple arrangements at political, economic and social fronts. There are two world views about the US presence in Asia Pacific. The first one asserts that the Asia Pacific is more secure without the presence of US, while others takes the US presence as a patron for stability and solidarity within the region. The US policy of ‘Pivot to Asia’, ‘Asia Pacific’ commonly known as ‘Rebalancing’ ensured its new commitment of deep engagement in Southeast Asia. Policy shift under Trump administration from ‘Pivot to Asia’ to ‘Free Indo-Pacific’ has direct as well indirect implications for Pakistan. The study analyses the US strategies and polices under the theory of ‘Offensive Realism,’ where ‘rational powers uncertain of intentions and capable of military offensive strive to survive’. Analytical, descriptive approaches are adopted in order to analyse US ongoing strategies.


2016 ◽  
Vol I (II) ◽  
pp. 30-44
Author(s):  
Niaz Ali Sardar ◽  
Khan Afraid Manzoor ◽  
Naazer Manzoor Ahmad

Due to unprecedented rise of China in the economic, political and social domains world is shifting its strategic focus from the European Politics to both continental and maritime domains of Asia resulting in a challenge for the US and its allies. US, China and India are tied into strategic ingredients of cooperation, competition and containment. US intends to assign India an appropriate, competitive and probable offshore balancing role against China - that is, a strategy of balancing without containment. Engaging into an active conflict is not envisaged due to close integration of these powers in terms of economic, political, social and cultural domains. Indo US close strategic coordination is win-win situation for both the countries. India may become an offshore balancing power for US to retain its influence in Asia Pacific region against China and its allies; On the other hand it brings treasure of opportunities for India to strengthen its military arsenal with open doors of US sophisticated technology with the co-production and co-development framework. This generous access to the state of the art military hardware would enhance India's power projection capabilities to the maximum, posing security implications for neighbors' and adversaries to India. Moreover growing Indo US nexus aiming balancing and containment of China has serious regional strategic security implications.


Author(s):  
Timothy Doyle ◽  
Dennis Rumley

This chapter presents an overview and critical analysis of the nature of the rise of China and its geopolitical and geo-economic implications for the Indo-Pacific region. The chapter is in six parts—China’s inexorable rise; China’s reform agenda; China’s regional trade relationships; China’s Belt and Road Initiative; the South China Sea dispute; and the future for a risen China. It is argued that the Indo-Pacific concept has little if any relevance in the conduct of current or future Chinese foreign policy. Indeed, at an annual media conference in Beijing in 2018 the Chinese foreign minister, Wang Yi, reportedly mocked the US–Australia preference for describing the Asia-Pacific region as the ‘Indo-Pacific’ as an example of attention grabbing. Rather, China has proposed a reform strategy for relations among great powers which emphasizes a more equal relationship with the US and the need for a balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (02) ◽  
pp. 2040007
Author(s):  
HSIN-HSIEN WANG ◽  
SHINN-SHYR WANG ◽  
WEI-FENG TZENG

In comparison to hegemony, lesser powers usually struggle for survival between two or more great powers under state power asymmetry, a perpetual phenomenon in international politics. With the rise of China and the increasingly strengthening role of the US in the Asia-Pacific region, it is important to learn how lesser powers manage their relations with the two. To explore this issue, we propose that the strength of state power will constrain the strategies of lesser powers as they choose between the US and China. Borrowing from existing theories and ideas on strategies that include balancing, bandwagoning, and hedging, we argue that the stronger a country’s power, the more likely it will choose a balancing strategy. At the same time, the weaker the country, the more likely that it will go with bandwagoning. Regional middle powers will show varied strategy choices, as they possess a higher degree of freedom in choosing which great power to side with. To validate these arguments, we construct two indicators — differences in trade dependence on the US and China and differences in the voting score consistent with the US and China — to quantify the strategies of lesser powers toward great powers and examine whether the variable of strategies follows the expected pattern. Our analysis shows that countries in the middle of the spectrum of state power demonstrated great freedom in choosing strategies toward the two powers.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tung Manh Ho ◽  
Hong-Kong T. Nguyen ◽  
Quan-Hoang Vuong

Affective computing is one of the most dynamic, interdisciplinary researched topics that draw on computer sciences, engineering, psychology, physiology, and neuroscience to computationally model, track, and classify emotions and affective states. This field is the foundation of the fast-growing USD 20 billion emotional A.I. industry that transforms the way we live and work. Its applications range from music playlists compiling algorithms, drowsiness-detecting car engine, tone-sensing via texts, or micro-targeting algorithms for political ads. We deploy bibliometric analysis on a dataset of 1,646 Web-of-Science-indexed academic articles from 1995 to 2020 to track the development of the field: its growth rate, major players, major collaborative networks, and thematic evolution. The annual growth rate of scientific production is 12.5%. There is an exponential growth of scientific publications in this field, as the number of publication output in 2016-2020 alone far outstrips that in the previous 20 years (860 vs. 786). While the U.S. dominates the field both in research output and citation from 1995-2015, China emerges as a major player as research published by corresponding authors from China overtake the USA as most cited in 2016-2020. Surprisingly, Japan was missing in the top 10 countries measured by both output and citation. Our analysis also identifies two major collaborative networks: the “Asia Pacific cluster” of the USA., China, Singapore, Japan; the “European” cluster of Germany, the U.K., and the Netherlands. Finally, the thematic analysis reveals a growing academic interest in further fine-tuning computational techniques related to affective computing, as well as a decline of interest in using affective computing to detect and study mental illnesses such as depression and bipolar disorders. From these observations of the historical data, we speculate on the future trends of this dynamic research field.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Jose Sousa-Santos

<p>One of the prescient questions within international relations today concerns the rise of China and what strategies states should deploy in response. This is particularly pertinent in the Asia Pacific neighbourhood. Southeast Asian states especially face a perennial challenge: how to balance economic and security interests between China and the US. This thesis examines the concept of hedging as a means of understanding the strategic choices adopted by the Indonesia and the Philippines in response to rising Chinese hegemony in Asia. This thesis applies the innovative hedging model developed by Kuik to determine if Indonesia and the Philippines are hedging China and, if so, what strategies Jakarta and Manila have adopted. The application of Kuik’s model to the foreign policy strategies and behaviours of Indonesia and the Philippines has been a useful approach to determine whether these two cases are hedging China and to what degree. This thesis concludes that Indonesia and the Philippines have adopted hedging strategies comprised of micro options which are not static but fluid and dynamic. This study further demonstrates that understanding the drivers and behaviour of key Southeast Asian states and the degrees to which they are rejecting or accepting power is critical.</p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 25-38
Author(s):  
Saturo Nagao

In recent times Japan and India are moving closer in the area of security. The rise of China, US strategic withdrawal from the Indian Ocean and Japan‟s increasing profile in the Asia-pacific region have contributed towards Japan‟s strong security partnership with India. In this regard this article analyses the three following questions: (1) What are the security activities that Japan has undertaken? (2) Why has Japan tried to share more security burden? (3) What can Japan-India cooperation do? Currently, Japan has enhanced its security cooperation with other US allies and friendly countries including Southeast Asian countries taking the US-China power balance into consideration. The changing security situation has pushed Japan to reconsider its security priorities. There is much scope for Japan and India to cooperate by using the linkage of East China Sea and Indo-China Border, share the burden of maritime security in the Indian Ocean region and collaborate to support countries around China in the South China Sea.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lili Wang ◽  
Xianwen Wang ◽  
Fredrik Niclas Piro ◽  
Niels J Philipsen

Abstract Public funding is believed to play an important role in the development of science and technology. However, whether public funding and, in particular, competitive funding from public agencies actually helps to increase scientific output (i.e. publications) remains a matter of debate. By analysing a dataset of co-publications between China and the EU and a dataset of joint project collaborations in European Framework Programs for Research and Innovation [FP7 and Horizon 2020 (H2020)], we investigate whether different public funding agencies’ competitive assets have different impact on the volume of publication output. Our results support the hypotheses that competitively funded research output varies by funding sources, so that a high level of funding does not necessarily lead to high scientific output. Our results show that FP7/H2020 funded projects do not have a positive contribution to the output of joint publications between China and the EU. Interestingly, cooperation in the form of jointly writing proposals to these EU programmes, especially when they are not granted by the European Commission, can contribute significantly to joint scientific publications in a later stage. This applies in particular to cases where funding from China is involved. Our findings highlight the key role that funding agencies play in influencing research behaviour. Our results indicate that Chinese funding triggers a high number of publications, whereas research funded by the EU does so to a much lower extent, arguably due to the EU’s strong focus on social impact and its funding schemes as tools to promote European integration.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yana Valeryevna Leksyutina

With Trump as a president of the US from January 2017 and his decisive actions, which have undermined many agreements reached by previous American administrations (like withdrawal from the TTP, the Paris climate agreement, the Iran nuclear deal, the UNESCO, etc.), the international system and regional subsystems are under serious reconfiguration and readjustments. This accentuates the necessity to systemize Trump’s actions and initiatives in the realm of foreign policy and foreign trade, to interpret these actions’ logic, and to evaluate the changes that Trump’s policies have brought about. It is of high importance to analyze Trump’s strategy in the Indo-Pacific which is the priority region in his foreign policy agenda and the region where two major threats to the US and its allies are coming from - the rise of China as a country that pursues unfair trade and economic policies and reveals assertiveness in securing its core interests, and the threat from the North Korea. The aim of the article is to analyze China’s place in Trump’s Indo-Pacific strategy. By studying American conceptual documents, Trump’s and other American high-level officials’ speeches, the article characterizes Trump’s free and open Indo-Pacific strategy, reveals its commonalities and peculiarities vis-à-vis Obama’s rebalancing to the Asia-Pacific strategy. The article also addresses the issue of Trump’s policies in the region on the economic front, because this is where Trump administration has introduces dramatic changes. Trump’s Indo-Pacific strategy is examined in the article in the context of its impact on the US-China relations. The relations between the two countries - without exaggeration, one of the most consequential for the world - may seriously deteriorate due to not only the evolving US-China trade war, but also contradictions between them over various issues in the IndoPacific region. The article analyzes the aggravation of tensions between the US and China in 2017-2018 over South and East China Seas, Taiwan issue, and North Korea issue.


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