scholarly journals Indo-US Strategic Partnership and its Security Implications for Asia Pacific Region

2016 ◽  
Vol I (II) ◽  
pp. 30-44
Author(s):  
Niaz Ali Sardar ◽  
Khan Afraid Manzoor ◽  
Naazer Manzoor Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Power Projection ◽  
Development Framework ◽  
Strategic Coordination ◽  
The Us ◽  
Rise Of China ◽  
Sophisticated Technology

Due to unprecedented rise of China in the economic, political and social domains world is shifting its strategic focus from the European Politics to both continental and maritime domains of Asia resulting in a challenge for the US and its allies. US, China and India are tied into strategic ingredients of cooperation, competition and containment. US intends to assign India an appropriate, competitive and probable offshore balancing role against China - that is, a strategy of balancing without containment. Engaging into an active conflict is not envisaged due to close integration of these powers in terms of economic, political, social and cultural domains. Indo US close strategic coordination is win-win situation for both the countries. India may become an offshore balancing power for US to retain its influence in Asia Pacific region against China and its allies; On the other hand it brings treasure of opportunities for India to strengthen its military arsenal with open doors of US sophisticated technology with the co-production and co-development framework. This generous access to the state of the art military hardware would enhance India's power projection capabilities to the maximum, posing security implications for neighbors' and adversaries to India. Moreover growing Indo US nexus aiming balancing and containment of China has serious regional strategic security implications.

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: How Lesser Powers Respond to Competing Great Powers in the Asia-Pacific Region

2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (02) ◽  
pp. 2040007
Author(s):  
HSIN-HSIEN WANG ◽  
SHINN-SHYR WANG ◽  
WEI-FENG TZENG
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
The Us ◽  
Rise Of China ◽  
Middle Powers ◽  
The Rise Of China

In comparison to hegemony, lesser powers usually struggle for survival between two or more great powers under state power asymmetry, a perpetual phenomenon in international politics. With the rise of China and the increasingly strengthening role of the US in the Asia-Pacific region, it is important to learn how lesser powers manage their relations with the two. To explore this issue, we propose that the strength of state power will constrain the strategies of lesser powers as they choose between the US and China. Borrowing from existing theories and ideas on strategies that include balancing, bandwagoning, and hedging, we argue that the stronger a country’s power, the more likely it will choose a balancing strategy. At the same time, the weaker the country, the more likely that it will go with bandwagoning. Regional middle powers will show varied strategy choices, as they possess a higher degree of freedom in choosing which great power to side with. To validate these arguments, we construct two indicators — differences in trade dependence on the US and China and differences in the voting score consistent with the US and China — to quantify the strategies of lesser powers toward great powers and examine whether the variable of strategies follows the expected pattern. Our analysis shows that countries in the middle of the spectrum of state power demonstrated great freedom in choosing strategies toward the two powers.

US INDO-PACIFIC STRATEGY AND EURASIA

2021 ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Vladimir Batyuk
Keyword(s):  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Middle Kingdom ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
American President ◽  
National Security Strategy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Indian Ocean

Despite the critical attitude of the current American President towards his predecessor, the Trump administration actually continued the course of the Obama administration to turn the Asia-Pacific region into the most important priority of American foreign policy. Moreover, the US Asia-Pacific strategy was transformed under Trump into the Indo-Pacific strategy, when the Indian Ocean was added to the Asia-Pacific region in the US strategic thinking. The US Pacific command was renamed the Indo-Pacific command (May 2018), and the US Department of defense developed the Indo-Pacific strategy (published in June 2019). The Indo-Pacific strategy is an integral part of Trump’s national security strategy, according to which China, along with Russia, was declared US adversary. The American side complained about both the economic and military-political aspects of the Chinese presence in the Indo-Pacific region. At the same time, official Washington is no longer confident that it can cope with those adversaries, China and Russia, alone. Trying to implement the main provisions of the Indo-Pacific strategy, official Washington has staked not only on building up its military power in the Indo-Pacific, but also on trying to build an anti-Chinese system of alliances in this huge region. Along with such traditional American allies in the region as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, the Philippines and Singapore, the American side in the recent years has made active attempts to attract India, Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam to this system of alliances as well. These American attempts, however, can only cause serious concerns not only in Beijing, but also in Moscow, thereby contributing to the mutual rapprochement of the Russian Federation and China. Meanwhile, the Russian-Chinese tandem is able to devalue American efforts to strategically encircle China, creating a strong Eurasian rear for the Middle Kingdom.

American Mistakes

2020 ◽  
pp. 34-58
Author(s):  
Feng Zhang ◽  
Richard Ned Lebow
Keyword(s):  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Regional Strategy ◽  
Management Issue ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Obama Administration ◽  
The Us ◽  
Made In

This chapter examines the policy mistakes that the Obama administration made in managing the Sino-American relationship. The Obama administration developed no distinct China strategy and was in fact averse to developing such a strategy. It chose to embed largely reactive China policies within a regional strategy of the so-called “pivot” or “rebalance” to the Asia-Pacific region. While China was relegated to a management issue, the rebalance strategy damaged the US-China relationship by deepening strategic mistrust between the two countries and agitating China to seek strategic adventures in Asia. The rebalance did not cause Chinese assertiveness by itself, but the geopolitical setting it created served to exacerbate China’s already fermenting assertive inclinations and prompted its strategic adventurism.

The impact of the US economy on the Asia-Pacific region: does it matter?

2003 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank S.T Hsiao ◽  
Mei-chu W Hsiao ◽  
Akio Yamashita
Keyword(s):  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Us Economy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Impact

scholarly journals United States-Vietnam relations in light of geopolitics of the usa in Asia-Pacific region in 1945-1975

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (27) ◽  
pp. 96-106
Author(s):  
Ivan Desiatnikov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Republic

The article focuses on the analysis of US-Vietnam relations during the period from 1945 to 1975. The aim of the article is to trace the changes that took place in the US-Vietnam relationship over that period, to identify the factors that influenced them, as well as the approaches used by the heads of the countries to tackle their foreign policy objectives in the region. The author traces the evolution of US policy in Vietnam pursued by Presidents H. Truman, D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nixon. The United States had diametrically opposed position on relations with the Vietnamese governments, namely, confrontation and military conflict with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, and cooperation, military and economic aid to the Republic of Vietnam. The author concludes that the US attitude towards Vietnam was determined by the international situation at that time, including the beginning of the Cold War. The policies of Presidents D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy were to restrain the expansion of the Communist bloc's sphere of influence. The direct involvement of the US military in the Vietnam conflict, initiated by L. Johnson, pursued the goal of enhancing the prestige of the United States in the global confrontation with the USSR. The split between the Soviet Union and China was used by the US to get out of the Vietnam War and mend relations with China as a counterweight to the Soviet Union in the Asia-Pacific region. Instead, the Republic of Vietnam, which had been the "junior partner" of the United States, was left to its fate.

Redefining Security Roles: Japan's Response to the September 11 Terrorism

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 285-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Go Ito
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Regional Politics ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
Security Relationship

This paper examines Japan's security policy after the September 11 terrorism, arguing that its response has been part of a larger process of redefining its security role in the Asia-Pacific region for the last decade. The passage of the 1992 Peacekeeping Law and the 1999 US-Japan security guidelines were an important part of the drastic changes. The paper also discusses the Japanese government's response to the September 11 terrorism, looking into the question of how the government sought to maintain a balance between military contributions to US-Japan security alliance and the restriction on the “threat and use of force” prescribed in the Constitution. Japan's recent pro-activeness toward Asia and entry into regional politics is also examined. The paper concludes by arguing that the combination of continued Japan's security relationship with the US and its strenuous efforts to enter Asian regional politics will be the first step toward real “normalcy” of Japan.

scholarly journals US interaction with the TPSEP countries within the trade policy of the George W. Bush administration

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-230
Author(s):  
Viktor V. Shamardin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Trade Liberalization ◽  
Bush Administration ◽  
The United States ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Regional Trade ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Us

The article is devoted to the study of the formation of the US foreign trade course in the Asia-Pacific region. Special attention is paid to the factors in bilateral relations with the TPSEP countries, which had a key influence on the decision of the George W. Bush administration to join the partnership. The author comes to the conclusion that failures in the implementation of the multilateral format of regional trade liberalization contributed to the fact that the United States entered the negotiation process on the TPSEP.

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