Fiscal Arrangements for Maintaining an Effective State in Canada

10.1068/c0052 ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard M Bird ◽  
François Vaillancourt

Canada is a large and regionally diverse country. Over the years complex intergovernmental fiscal arrangements have been developed in order to permit relatively uniform treatment of people living in very different provinces. These arrangements have on the whole been successful in delivering services effectively to a diverse population, but they have more likely perpetuated than reduced regional economic inequality. From a political perspective, the results have been equally mixed. The system has worked in that the country has stayed together, grown respectably, and treated most citizens well and surprisingly uniformly. But the way in which this success has been achieved has reduced Canada's ability as a state to cope with the rapidly changing world environment and may, in the end, have strengthened rather than weakened regional separatism. Despite Canada's considerable success to date in adapting its system of fiscal federalism to cope with both political and economic imperatives, it thus remains unclear how long this fiscal juggling act can be continued without some more basic change in political institutions.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 39-53
Author(s):  
B.I. Alekhin ◽  

This study examines the impact of fiscal decentralization on regional economic growth using panel data for 82 subjects of the Russian Federation for the period 2005-2018. General theoretical framework was drawn from the second-generation theory of fiscal federalism, and panel data econometrics suggested the appropriate empirical model and estimation method. The pooled mean group method was used to estimate an autoregressive distributed lags model based on Solow-Swan theory of economic growth. The results indicate that vertical fiscal gap has a negative and significant long-term impact on regional economic growth while vertical fiscal imbalance has a positive and significant long-term effect. The study is consistent with the modern theory of fiscal federalism, W.E. Oates’ matching hypothesis and previous empirical work using Russian data. The study also found evidence of conditional convergence of regional economies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 605-639
Author(s):  
Raúl A. Ponce-Rodríguez ◽  
Charles R. Hankla ◽  
Jorge Martinez-Vazquez ◽  
Eunice Heredia-Ortiz

We explore how party structures can condition the benefits of decentralization in modern democracies. In particular, we study the interaction of two political institutions: democratic (de)centralization (whether a country has fiscally autonomous and elected local governments) and party (non)integration (whether power over local party leaders flows upwards through party institutions, which we model using control over candidate selection). We incorporate these institutions into our strong decentralization theorem, which expands on Oates (1972) to examine when the decentralized provision of public services will dominate centralized provision even in the presence of inter-jurisdictional spillovers. Our findings suggest that, when externalities are present, democratic decentralization will be beneficial only when parties are integrated. In countries with non-integrated parties, we find that the participation rules of primaries have implications for the expected gains from democratic decentralization. Under blanket primaries, Oates’ conventional decentralization theorem holds but our strong decentralization theorem does not. By contrast, when primaries are closed, not even Oates’ conventional decentralization theorem holds.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 608-630 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayelet Banai

AbstractThis article focuses on contemporary theories of territorial rights in political and legal philosophy and explores their implications for the case of Crimea, focusing on three main accounts of territorial rights: Liberal nationalist, Lockean, and Kantian. The article advances the legal-political account of the “people” and its territorial rights as a promising approach to theorizing the corporate agents that have potentially valid territorial rights and claims. While normative theory does not yield a single unequivocal judgment that identifies one claimant as the solely justified territorial right-holder in Crimea, the application of general principles of territorial rights theory can help identify the pertinent considerations for the case, which clarify the normative implications of each potential resolution. While no party has an absolutely just territorial claim to Crimea, this article offers a qualified defense of the existence of a distinct “Crimean people,” defined by the distinct political history of Crimea and its long-standing legacy of autonomous legal-political institutions, which may constitute a shared political project for the culturally diverse population.


Author(s):  
Giuseppe Ieraci

Abstract The institutional design of democratic regimes has attracted much attention from a legal and political perspective, because it affects the actual distribution of power among political actors and the effectiveness of their decisions. The article advances a classification of the democratic institutional design, with particular reference to the triangular interactions among Presidents, Governments, and Parliaments. Moving from the assumption that the arrangements among these three top political institutions identify the main patterns of the democratic government, the distinction among Parliamentary, Presidential, and Semi-Presidential systems set by the constitutional law is rejected and a new classification schema is advanced. In this new perspective, the institutional design of democracy consists of the institutional roles of authority, procedural resources attached to them and arenas of confrontation among the roles.


Author(s):  
Bertram Johnson

The U.S. system of layered governments encompasses states, cities, and other entities such as counties and special districts. Most scholars have adopted one of three major approaches to studying this complex system: a legal approach that emphasizes a lack of formal powers at lower levels; a fiscal federalism tradition that focuses on considerations of efficiency; or a focus on intergovernmental policy and public administration. Each literature has much to offer, but none provides a comprehensive political perspective on federalism. Such an approach would view the various governments in the intergovernmental system as institutional structures that have claims on each other, occupied by political entrepreneurs motivated by their own career goals that succeed or fail largely because of how they respond to constituent interests. Each component of this approach has been the subject of substantial research that can be brought to bear on the topic of sub-national politics.


Author(s):  
Y W Tamberan ◽  
M A Tawakal ◽  
S Betaubun ◽  
F Lamalewa ◽  
E L R Kore ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 291-304
Author(s):  
Anna I. Yakovleva

The article shows social indicators of the level of socio-economic inequality prevailing in Russia in recent decades; specific poverty lines and categories of the poor in Russian society are revealed; the regional nature of poverty is highlighted. It is concluded that the main causes of Russian poverty lie in the organization of the economic sphere of society and the activities of political institutions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 179-184
Author(s):  
Nola Windirah ◽  
Muhamad Mustopa Romdhon ◽  
Satria Putra Utama ◽  
Reflis

The issue of economic inequality is still a major issue in development in the coastal areas of Bengkulu Province. The region's high economic growth (5.3%) was eroded by the high rate of inflation (5%), the economy grew only 0.3 - 0.5%. The question is whether the decreasing of Bengkulu Province's economic growth due to inflation has contributed to regional economic inequality, on the coast of Bengkulu Province specifically ? The data analysis method used to assess the level of economic inequality is the Williamson Index. The results indicated that the economic growth (Gross Regional Domestic Product - GRDP) in coastal areas was lower than in non-coastal areas. Economic disparities between coastal and non-coastal areas in Bengkulu Province for the 2010-2013 period widened, however inequality in coastal areas was smaller than in non-coastal areas.


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