Комсомольская организация Калмыкии и ее антирелигиозная деятельность (1921–1941 гг.)

The article aims to examine episodes of anti-religious activity of the Komsomol organization of Kalmykia in 1921–1941. The research is based on archival and published materials. The analysis of archival documents shows that despite the anti-religious policy actively pursued by Soviet authorities, the local party and Komsomol organizations failed to establish a system of effective anti-religious propaganda in Kalmykia. Notably, in their anti-religious activity, the Komsomol members had to deal with the multi-confessional population in Kalmykia. Granted the lack of guidelines for organizing the campaign against Buddhism, they often had to rely on practices used in the anti-religious work against Christianity: e.g., to follow the successful example of ‘Komsomol’ Christmas, the Tsagan Sar and other Kalmyk holidays were also introduced as ‘Komsomol’ events. Also, it was recommended that in their anti-religious work, the Komsomol activists were to take advantage of the split of the Buddhist clergy. After repressions against the clergy of all confessions that took place in the late 1930s, the anti-religious activity of the Komsomol organization in Kalmykia was reduced to formal work.

How Strong is Local Politics’ Grip on Local Economic Development? The Case of Swiss Small and Medium-Sized Towns

Economic development directly manifests itself in the form of employment at the local level. This paper examines the ability of local politics to shape this development in a competitive federalist environment by examining how local party–political developments affect local economic development in Swiss small and medium-sized towns (SMSTs). Local economic development in the form of employment is a central local policy domain in federal and polycentric Switzerland. This paper argues that party–political influence is conditional on the characteristics of four distinguished economic sectors that differ in their dependence on the regional context. By analyzing the panel data of all Swiss SMSTs, the paper finds that local party–political developments only systematically precede growth in the residential economy, while regional processes determine the economic sectors in ambiguous ways. The grip of local politics on the development of export-oriented economies therefore is not guided by party–political development and more influential at regional levels.

The Vlaams Belang: A Mass Party of the 21st Century

Throughout its 40-year history, the Vlaams Belang (VB, Flemish Interest) has established itself as an important player within the Belgian party system, albeit with significant electoral fluctuations. In 2019, it became the second largest party in Flanders. The party developed and maintained a mass-party organisation by investing significantly in local party branches and in a rigid vertically articulated structure. It relies heavily on social media, particularly Facebook, to communicate to supporters beyond the more limited group of party members. Using both modern and traditional tools, VB representatives aim to create communities of supporters bonded to the party, facilitating dissemination of the party’s messages. Despite this investment in a grassroots organisation, the VB’s decision-making remains highly centralised. Social media and local branches allow informal consideration of members’ views, but the party has not created significant mechanisms for internal democracy. While it is often claimed that political parties have moved away from the “mass-party” model, this article demonstrates that the VB still maintains characteristics of the mass party, albeit with a modern twist. New social media tools facilitate attempts to foster communities and disseminate party messages among a wider group of supporters, both formal members and more informal sympathisers.

Political Incubation and Infrastructure

Chapter 6 addresses how people can and do go from keeping their political beliefs a secret to publicly expressing them. It explores how CWG incubated some members to “come out” as local Democrats and some as public leaders by providing a sense of security and a place to practice being political. It also considers how secrecy can be a vital tool for local parties who are in the political minority by offering a private alternative to being publicly active. As evidence, this chapter demonstrates how CWG attracted members who were unwilling to publicly engage with the Democratic Party but covertly supported and rebuilt local party infrastructure by updating voter records, fundraising, or coordinating events. This chapter offers a perspective on local party infrastructure and the influence of political polarization as well as the role that political secrecy can play in helping minority parties establish or rebuild a presence and infrastructure in their communities.

Two Birds, One Policy: The Establishment of the National Supervisory Commission as a Factional and Centralizing Tool

Xi Jinping has made “anti-corruption” campaigns a hallmark of his leadership. The campaigns promise to target both “tigers” - senior party, government, and military leaders - and “flies” - local party and government officials. This practice has included a drastic restructuring of China’s anti-corruption and judicial agencies, culminating in their centralization under the National Supervisory Commission (NSC) in 2018. Many scholars have debated whether Xi’s campaigns and the NSC are genuinely intended to combat corruption or are instead a tool to eliminate political opponents and consolidate power. The NSC’s establishment is considered in relation to the two predominant models of anti-corruption drives conducted in China, the “Chongqing” model, and the “Guangzhou” model. By deliberately reproducing the Chongqing model’s accountability defects, eliminating political opponents appears to be a core objective of the NSC’s establishment. However, owing to its centralized nature, the NSC also strengthens the central party’s power over local authorities. Local party branches are far less trusted by the population than their national counterparts. Thus, strengthening the party’s credibility - including a genuine attempt to decrease corruption - and strengthening local government oversight appears to be another objective of the NSC’s establishment.

Institute of Sympathizers of AUCP(b) in West Siberian Territory: Revival, Functioning, Significance (February 1934 — September 1937)

The article is devoted to the creation and functioning of the institute of sympathizers of the AUCP(b) in the West Siberian Territory in February 1934 — September 1937. On the basis of a wide range of sources, including those introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the reasons, prerequisites and circumstances of the revival of this institute are considered. Among other things, it was established that the formation of groups of sympathizers in Western Siberia began later than in other regions of the USSR, and only after their existence was officially enshrined in the Charter of the AUCP(b). The article reveals the main ways of recruiting groups of sympathizers, traces the dynamics of their number in the West Siberian region, clarifies the quantitative and qualitative composition. It is shown that the institution of sympathizers had serious potential, which, nevertheless, was not realized due to such subjective factors as the weakness of the organizational and ideological work of local party organizations. It was concluded that neither in the West Siberian Territory, nor in the USSR as a whole, the institution of sympathizers did not cope with the role assigned to it as the main personnel reserve of the AUCP(b).

Manoeuvring for succession will intensify in Cameroon

Significance This has been acrimonious and at times violent as local party barons position themselves in the context of growing concerns over 88-year-old President Paul Biya’s succession. The CPDM’s dominance, Cameroon’s history of rigged elections and the weakened opposition have focused most speculation around figures in the president’s inner circle. Impacts Biya may look to make minor changes in the electoral code designed further to divide the opposition. A succession crisis may provoke a military coup. A succession crisis may dramatically increase ethnic, regional and religious tensions.

An Analysis of Some of the Factors that Affect the Role of Party Leaders in Election Campaigns in Albania

In recent election campaigns in Albania, whether general or local, party leaders have become increasingly important. There is a dominance of party leaders in political communication in an electoral campaign. Increasingly the media focus is on leading individuals, neglecting parties and collective identities. Political leaders now serve as a shortcut to informing the electorate. But why does this happen? Is this a feature of the Albanian electoral reality or a trend and influence from developed democracies? What are some of the specific circumstances in the country that enabled this change? Is it a demand from the electorate or an imposition on it? What role does media play in this regard? These and other matters related to it such as: how the party leaders are elected, internal party democracy issues, the methods and tactics of campaign organization, the role of electoral rules and the type of electoral system, etc. shall be briefly addressed in this paper, which is based on observations and analysis of three election campaigns, two general elections (2017 - 2021) and one local (2015).