Migration and Environmental Change in International Governance: The Case of the European Union

2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 1015-1028 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Geddes ◽  
William Somerville

With this paper we analyse and assess the role of the European Union (EU) in the governance of migration linked to environmental change. We trace the emergence of migration linked to environmental change as an issue on the EU agenda and examine both issue definition and the institutional location of EU responses. The EU is identified as a particularly significant potential actor in the broader debate about environmental change and migration, as it is the world's most developed form of regionalised supranational governance with responsibilities in the areas of both environmental and migration policy, albeit with little connection made, as yet, between the two. We show that the relationship between migration and environmental change emerged as an issue for the EU's foreign policy community before becoming part of the EU's ‘Global Approach to Migration and Mobility’. We argue that there is a compelling argument for consideration of migration and environmental change in the context of adaptation and development policies, as well as broader debate and contestation of the meaning of these policies. This involves a rethink of some of the precepts and practices informing EU migration and asylum policy.

2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 1029-1044 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Geddes ◽  
Andrew Jordan

We explore the links between environmental change, human migration, and adaptation in the relatively mature governance system of the European Union (EU). It is shown that these connections are limited and, when made, tend to be security focused. This situation inhibits scope for migration (both internally within states and internationally between states) to be understood as a form of adaptation to economic, social, political, demographic, and environmental change. We assess the underlying dynamics of EU environmental policy, note the main modes and instruments used, and identify some of the chief dynamics in this policy field. Finally, conclusions are drawn with respect to how, in future, the EU might interact with nonmember states on environment and migration-related issues.


2014 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-429
Author(s):  
Monika Mayrhofer ◽  
Margit Ammer

With growing evidence that environmental factors are becoming more and more important in driving migration, many different actors have taken position on so-called ‘environmental migration’ in recent years. Lately, also the European Union (eu) started to approach this topic. While it is still far away from offering a self-standing policy on the issue, the eu has started a process of deliberation with the publication of a Commission Staff Working Document (cswd) in April 2013. This article provides an overview of the related policy process and analyses which rationales are shaping it. It further pursues a stocktaking exercise with regard to existing eu asylum and migration policies and explores which roles the eu could play in the context of environment-related migration and displacement under the existing ‘repertoire’ of eu asylum and migration policy and analyses it in light of the newly published cswd. The paper concludes that the Commission takes in its cswd a very cautious approach and that the policy process was shaped by similar factors as the area of asylum and migration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 302-323
Author(s):  
Jyri J. Jäntti ◽  
Benjamin Klasche

The European Union (EU)–Turkey deal consolidated a shift in the EU’s migration policy. The deal is the culmination of the dominance of the security frame and depicts the continuous externalization of the EU’s responsibility of asylum protection and burden sharing. The strengthening of the security frame has weakened the humanitarian norms that previously dictated EU’s behaviour. This has led to the EU losing some of its comparative advantages in negotiations. Simultaneously, the instrumentalization of the value of asylum, paired with an increased number of asylum seekers, has given negotiation leverage to the neighbouring countries turned service providers. These changes in perception and norms have created a power shift, at the disadvantage of the EU, creating a more leveled playing field for negotiations between the parties. This article tracks the historical shifts in the global refugee regime to explain how today’s situation was created. Hereby, the existence of two competing cognitive frames—humanitarian and security—is assumed, tracked and analysed. While looking at the EU–Turkey deal, the article shows that the EU has started treating refugees as a security problem rather than a humanitarian issue, breaking the normative fabric of the refugee regime in the process. The article also displays how Turkey was able to capitalise on this new reality and engage with negotiations of other neighbouring countries of EU that point towards a change of dynamics in the global refugee regime.


2021 ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Tomasz Dubowski

In the discussion on the EU migration policy, it is impossible to evade the issue of the relation between this policy and the EU foreign policy, including EU common foreign and security policy. The subject of this study are selected links between migration issues and the CFSP of the European Union. The presented considerations aim to determine at what levels and in what ways the EU’s migration policy is taken into account in the space of the CFSP as a diplomatic and political (and subject to specific rules and procedures) substrate of the EU’s external action.


Author(s):  
Michaela Staníčková ◽  
Lukáš Melecký

Regional development policies based on local potential triggers a shift in the economic structure of territories. Exogenous and endogenous factors determine potential of regional development and it is necessary to use different indicators and methods to its evaluation. For the paper purpose, it is required to define metropolitan and peripheral functions as well as urban areas in the form of geographic models, depicting their spatial distribution in the European Union (EU). Nowadays, regions are increasingly becoming the drivers of the economy. All regions possess development opportunities – however, use these options enough, and hence the competitiveness of regions must be efficient enough. The paper focuses on dividing the EU NUTS 2 regions based on geographic models of the European economy into efficient and inefficient ones and identifying an optimal benchmark for inefficient regions as a strategy for enhancing their economic structure to measure regional efforts and progress.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-282
Author(s):  
Tomasz Łachacz ◽  
Sylwester Zagulski

Unemployment is classified today as one of the main threats to society. The phenomenon affects the lives of individuals, the functioning of families and society and development of the state. It is often the source of other social problems such as poverty, violence, or social pathologies. The article presents the scale and nature of unemployment occurring after 1989 in Poland and in selected European Union countries, i.e. the Netherlands, Spain, Slovakia and Latvia. It attempts to show the characteristic trends of the phenomenon over a period of more than two decades. Examples from the European countries analysed show that the situation in the labour market and the approach to employment are radically different. Individual countries are characterised by very different unemployment rates, which reflect their different size, economic and demographic potential, or are associated with the tradition of employment. The existence of differences seems to be normal, but their scale may give rise to concern. A characteristic feature of unemployment in the period analysed is its regional diversity, both in Poland and in the whole of the European community. Important factors that determine the level of unemployment are age, sex, education and people’s qualifications. The effects of long-term unemployment are very painful for the whole of society. Such a situation can lead to, amongst others, poverty, societal antagonism, violence and migration. The latter is an issue that the whole of Europe is currently struggling with. The uncontrolled influx of immigrants, including those migrating for economic reasons, causes fear of losing their job among Europeans, which in turn translates into the radicalisation of society. A role of the state and the EU institutions is to create an effective mechanism for the protection and support of the unemployed. This is a prerequisite for Europeans to continue the project which is a common united Europe.


Author(s):  
Darrell Jackson

The European Union is founded upon a commitment to the free movement of people across its internal borders. Internal EU migration and migration into the EU have meant that central to EU policy has been a discussion of integration. This paper discusses the integration of migrants with reference to the missio Dei and contextualisation, advancing the view that a sensitive and mutual policy of integration is appropriate in the light of biblical and missiological insights. Core to the missiological task remains the ongoing transformation of the experience of integration in light of these insights. Practical steps are outlined.


Author(s):  
Zinaida Sviashchenko

The article is devoted to the actual issues of the European Union migration policy with regard to the countries of North Africa. Indeed, the intensive migration movement that has recently taken place in Europe has forced the EU to develop a new, adequate migration policy that would be able to effectively address the problems encountered in this area. The reasons and the current state of migration processes are investigated. The main directions and areas of regulation of migration processes in the European Union concerning the countries of North Africa are highlighted. In particular, attention is drawn to such an important direction of the EU migration policy as the fight against illegal migration. The main problems of regulation of migration processes, in particular, labor migrants and refugees, are outlined. The substantial quantitative and qualitative changes that have taken place in the migration processes from the countries of North Africa to Europe have been analyzed. The general economic consequences of migration from the countries of North Africa for donor countries and recipient countries are described. Attention is drawn to the issue of professional training of Africans for further employment in the EU. It is concluded that migration in the EU countries plays a special role due to the aging of the population in European countries and the need to attract labor from third countries. Migration flows between the countries of North Africa and the EU are particularly intense. This is due to the geographical proximity of these regions, as well as close economic, political and cultural ties. Among the priority areas of the EU migration policy, such as border management and the return of illegal migrants to their homeland, convergence of Member States practice in strengthening the common European regime, sharing responsibilities and ensuring the acceptance of refugees with their further resettlement among EU member states.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 254-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea C. Bianculli

Regional integration in Latin America has experienced different periods of politicization. The most recent goes back to the 2000s and is related to the domestic political changes resulting from the so-called ‘left turn’ which sought alternative economic and development policies to neoliberalism as the state regained centrality. These transformations led to a broad process of politicization of regionalism which changed the terms of the debate surrounding whether regional integration and free trade are the only way for these countries to integrate regionally and internationally. Analyses have thus underscored the postliberal character of this phase of regionalism as reflected in the greater weight of social and political agendas at the expense of economic and trade issues. The Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) was no exception to this trend. However, in 2010 the bloc rather surprisingly agreed to relaunch negotiations with the European Union (EU). Why did MERCOSUR decide to resume these negotiations—stalled since 2004—in a context of high politicization of regional integration? This article argues that internal politicization did not lead to a paralysis of the international agenda. Moreover, internal politicization, coupled with external pressures and the demand for group-to-group negotiations by the EU, drove and supported the conduct of international negotiations. In so doing, this article also contests the idea that after the 2000s, MERCOSUR moved inexorably towards a postliberal model, thus rejecting any trade component. Findings suggest that these accounts may have overemphasized change and underestimated continuities in regional integration dynamics as the case of the external agenda shows.


Stanovnistvo ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 131-145
Author(s):  
Mirjana Morokvasic

The European Union is confronted with the biggest enlargement in its history: ten states, among them eight middle European - the so called "buffer zone" in the new European migration landscape - will become members in 2004. Other candidates hope to join in the coming years. For all Eastern and Eastern European countries, including those that are not candidates, the end of the bi-polar world meant a hope of "return to Europe". When shifting its borders to the East, the European Union both includes and excludes. The final objective to achieve Europe as "a space of freedom, security and justice", is conditioned by the capacity and necessity to control the migratory flows. The prospect of free circulation for the citizens of the new Union members entails also fears: the EU countries are afraid of the consequences the enlargement would have on migratory flows from the countries of the Central and Eastern Europe and which transit through that area. The perception of migrants as a threat inspired the conditions that the Union imposed on the candidate countries concerning migration policy issues and which mostly focus on the protection of its Eastern borders. For the future Union members however, protecting of the thousand of kilometers of their Eastern border, implies a number of quite different problems. These countries are afraid of the impact the restrictive measures they are obliged to implement would have both on many economic and family ties which have been maintained since the socialist period and on more recently engaged cooperation with the neighbours which are not candidates. The challenge of enlargement is different therefore for the EU members, for the candidate countries and for those who are for the moment excluded from the process. The fears do not seem to be always grounded. Thus, the impact of enlargement which, it was feared, could have been so destabilizing for the Union because of potentially large migration flows, is more likely to be destabilizing for the new candidate countries, especially concerning their relations with their neighbours excluded from the enlargement process.


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