Early Germanic Syllable Structure Revisited

Diachronica ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Murray

SUMMARY This paper discusses four approaches to the reconstruction of the early Germanic syllabication of VCRV and VCRV sequences; A) Murray & Vennemann (1983) and Murray (1988), B) Barrack (1989), C) Dresher & Lahiri (1991), and D) Liberman (1990). Approach A develops a two-stage analysis involving Proto-Germanic VC$RV and V$CR$(R)V in accordance with Sievers' Law and subsequent reduction of V$CR$(R)V to VC$RV in the early dialects (with some dialect-specific variation). These syllabications provide the basis for a treatment of important phonological changes in early Germanic on the basis of a preference theory for syllable structure. Although VC$RV and VC$RV represent marked syllable structure in that poor syllable contacts result, motivation for this syllabication can be found in the Stressed Syllable Law and Streitberg's law of mora conservation. By contrast, the approaches outlined in B, C, and D run into major problems. It is shown in each of these cases that the problems can be directly traced to the alternative syllabications assumed and concluded that only approach A has succeeded in providing a comprehensive and coherent treatment of relevant aspects of early Germanic phonology. RÉSUMÉ Le présent article discute quatre façons de reconstruire la syllabation des séquences VCRV et VCRV en ancien germanique, à savoir A) Murray et Vennemann (1983) and Murray (1988), B) Barrack (1989), C) Dresher & Lahiri (1991), ainsi que D) Liberman (1990). L'approche A développe une analyse à deux étapes qui implique les structures proto-germaniques VC$RV et V$CR$(R)V selon la loi de Sievers, suivi de la réduction de V$CR$(R)V à VC$RV dans les anciens dialectes (avec quelques variations spécifiques à certains dialectes). Ces syllabations nous fournissent une base pour le traitement de changements phonologiques importants en ancien germanique, en termes d'une théorie de préférence pour les structures syllabiques. Bien que VC$RV soit une structure syllabique marquée (puisqu'elle produit des contacts syllabiques médiocres), la motivation de cette syllabation se retrouve dans la 'loi des syllabes accentuées' et dans la concept de la loi de conservation des 'moras' de Streitberg. Par contraste, les approches B, C, et D rencontrent de sérieux problèmes. L'article démontre que dans chaque de ces cas, les problèmes peuvent être retracés directement au type de syllabation utilisé, ce qui amène à conclure que seulement l'approche A réussit à fournir un traitement compréhensif et cohérent des aspects pertinents de la phonologie de l'ancien germanique. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In diesem Aufsatz werden vier verschiedene Auffasungen zur möglichen Rekonstruktion der frühgermanischen Silbenstruktur in den VCRV- und VCRV-Abfolgen vorgestellt und miteinander verglichen: A) Murray & Vennemann (1983) und Murray (1988); B) Barrack (1989); C) Dresher & Lahiri (1991) und D) Liberman (1990). In A werden zwei Stufen angenom-men: Stufe 1 mit urgermanischen VC$RV und V$CR$(R)V nach dem Siever-schen Gesetz und Stufe 2 mit VC$RV nach Reduktion der dreisilbischen Struktur in den Dialekten. Dièse Syllabierungen liefern die Grundlage fur eine Analyse wichtiger phonologischer Veränderungen im Frühgermanischen im Lichte einer Präferenztheorie fur Silbenstruktur. Obwohl VC$RV und VC$RV markierte Silbenstrukturen darstellen (da sie ungünstige Silbenkontakte ent-halten), finden sie ihre Motivation in dem Silbenbetonungsgesetz und im Streit-bergschen Mora-Gesetz. Im Gegensatz hierzu weisen B, C und D groBe Erklä-rungsschwierigkeiten auf. In jedem einzelnen Fall wird der Nachweis erbracht, daB diEse Schwierigkeiten auf die alternative Rekonstruktion der urgermanischen Silbenstruktur (z.B. V$CRV) zunickzufuhren sind. Es wird gefolgert, daB nur die in A vorgeschlagene Analyse eine angemessene Grundlage für die Untersuchung der frühgermanischen Phonologie liefert.

2020 ◽  
Vol 136 (4) ◽  
pp. 1049-1084
Author(s):  
Yvonne Kiegel-Keicher

AbstractSimple metathesis can be found in numerous Ibero-Romance arabisms compared with their Andalusi Arabic etyma. The analysis of a corpus of Spanish, Portuguese and Catalan arabisms illustrates its effects on syllable structure and syllable weight. It can be shown that Arabic-Romance simple metathesis constitutes a motivated structural change that provides for typologically unmarked syllable weight relations within the word. After the resyllabification it entails the involved unstressed syllables no longer excede the stressed syllable in weight. However, it is not an obligatory, systematic process, but merely an optional tendency, which corresponds to the universal tendency expressed by the Weight Law.


1996 ◽  
Vol 84 (3) ◽  
pp. 526-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. Murat ◽  
V. Billard ◽  
J. Vernois ◽  
M. Zaouter ◽  
P. Marsol ◽  
...  

Background No complete pharmacokinetic profile of propofol is yet available in children younger than 3 yr, whereas clinical studies have demonstrated that both induction and maintenance doses of propofol are increased with respect to body weight in this age group compared to older children and adults. This study was therefore undertaken to determine the pharmacokinetics of propofol after administration of a single dose in aged children 1-3 yr requiring anesthesia for dressing change. Methods This study was performed in 12 children admitted to the burn unit and in whom burn surface area was less than or equal to 12% of total body surface area. Exclusion criteria were: unstable hemodynamic condition, inappropriate fluid loading, associated pulmonary injury, or burn injury older than 2 days. Propofol (4 mg.kg(-1))plus fentanyl (2.5 microg.kg(-1)) was administered while the children were bathed and the burn area cleaned during which the children breathed spontaneously a mixture of oxygen and nitrous oxide (50:50). Venous blood samples of 300 microl were obtained at 5, 15, 30, 60, 90, and 120 min, and 3, 4, 8, and 12 thereafter injection; an earlier sample was obtained from 8 of 12 children. The blood concentration curves obtained for individual children were analyzed by three different methods: noncompartmental analysis, mixed effects population model, and standard two-stage analysis. Results Using noncompartmental analysis, total clearance of propofol (+/-SD) was 0.053+/-0.013l.kg(-1).min(-1), volume of distribution at steady state9.5 +/- 3.7l.kg(-1),and residence time 188 +/- 85 min. Propofol pharmacokinetics were best described by a weight-proportional three-compartmental model in both population and two-stage analysis. Estimated and derived pharmacokinetic parameters were similar using these two pharmacokinetic approaches. Results of population versus two-stage analysis are as follow: systemic clearance 0.049 versus 0.048 l.kg(-).min(-1), volume of central compartment 1.03 versus 0.95 l.kg(-1), volume of steady state 8.09 versus 8.17 l.kg(-1). Conclusions The volume of the central compartment and the systemic clearance were both greater than all values reported in older children and adults. This is consistent with the increased propofol requirements for both induction and maintenance of anesthesia in children 1-3 yr. (Key words: Anesthesia: pediatric. Pharmacokinetics: propofol.)


2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (Suppl 1) ◽  
pp. S139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tao Wang ◽  
Qing Lu ◽  
Monica Torres-Caban ◽  
Robert C Elston

Diachronica ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil G. Jacobs

SUMMARY Yiddish possesses a sizable Tiberian Hebrew (TH) substrate component. The modern Yiddish reflexes of original TH words often show evidence of having undergone a number of diachronic phonological developments which seem to parallel similar processes in the German component found in Yiddish. Thus, the Yiddish reflexes cognate to Middle High German and to TH show lengthening of historically short vowels in stressed open syllable, and shortening of historically long vowels in stressed closed syllable. However, the processes of closed-syllable shortening (CSS) and open-syllable lengthening (OSL) which affected the TH component are chronologically distinct from the similar processes which affected the German component. It is argued in this paper that CSS and OSL occurred before the inception of Yiddish, in a pre-Yiddish Jewish vernacular. Specifically, the present paper links CSS and OSL as parts of a general process of standardization of stressed-syllable quantity in pre-Yiddish. More generally, the case is made that lexical items in the TH component in Yiddish are not to be derived directly from TH, but rather, from a diachronically and structurally autonomous intermediate — after spoken Hebrew times, but before Yiddish times — pre-Yiddish linguistic stage. RÉSUMÉ On retrouve dans le yiddish un important substrat hébreu-tibérien (HT). Dans le yiddish moderne, les réflexes de mots HT originaux font souvent preuve d'une série de développements phonologiques diachroniques qui semblent parallels à ceux qui ont marqué la composante allemande du yiddish. Or les réflexes du yiddish qui représentent des termes apparentés au haut moyen allemand et au HT démontrent un allongement des voyelles historiquement courtes dans les syllabes ouvertes accentuées et un raccourcissement des voyelles longues dans les syllabes fermées accentuées. Cependant, le processus de raccourcissement dans les syllabes fermées (RSF) et d'allongement dans les syllabes ouvertes (ASO) qui a affecté la composante HT se distingue de façon chronologique du processus semblable qui a affecté la composante allemande. Le présent article affirme que le RSF et l'ASO se sont produits avant l'avènement du yiddish, c'est-à-dire dans le contexte d'une langue verna-culaire juive prédatant le yiddish proprement dit. Pour être spécifique, cet article relie le RSF et l'ASO à un processus général de standardisation de quantité pour les syllabes accentués en pré-yiddish. Plus généralement, l'article prétend que les items lexicaux de la composante HT du yiddish ne peuvent être dérivés directement du HT, mais seraient plutôt issus d'une étape linguistique intermédiaire qui aurait existé après l'hébreu mais avant le yiddish et qui jouissait d'une autonomie aussi bien diachronique que structurelle. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Das Jiddische weist einen beachtlichen Anteil eines tiberianischen-hebräi-schen (TH) Substrats auf. Die im modernen Jiddischen enthaltenen Reflexe in den aus dem TH stammenden Wörtern zeigen eine Anzahl diachronischer pho-nologischer Entwicklungen, die entsprechenden Prozessen der im Jiddischen vorhandenen deutschen Komponente ähnlich sind. So hat das Jiddische fol-gende dem Mittelhochdeutschen beziehungsweise dem TH verwandte Reflexe: eine Verlängerung von historisch kurzem Vokal in betonter offener Silbe und eine Verkürzung von historisch langem Vokal in betonter geschlossener Silbe. Jedoch die Entwicklungen von geschlossen-silbiger Verkürzung und offen-silbiger Verlängerung, die die TH Komponenten beeinflußten, unterscheiden sich chronologisch von den Vorgängen, denen die deutsche Komponente aus-gesetzt war. In diesem Aufsatz wird die Auffassung vertreten, da6 beide Pro-zesse vor der Entstehung des Jiddischen in einer Prä-Jiddischen jüdischen Sprache aufgetreten seien. Sie werden hier als Teilvorgänge der Standardi-sierung der Silbenquantität in betonten Silben im Prä-Jiddischen behandelt. Noch allgemeiner wird hier argumentiert, da8 lexikalische Elemente in der TH Komponente im Jiddischen nicht direkt vom TH abgeleitet werden können, sondern von einer diachronisch und strukturell autonomen Zwischenform — nach der Zeit des gesprochenen Hebraisch, aber vor der Zeit des Jiddischen — in der Phase des Prä-Jiddischen.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula Orzechowska ◽  
Janina Mołczanow ◽  
Michał Jankowski

Abstract This paper investigates the interplay between the metrical structure and phonotactic complexity in English, a language with lexical stress and an elaborate inventory of consonant clusters. The analysis of a dictionary- and corpus-based list of polysyllabic words leads to two major observations. First, there is a tendency for onsetful syllables to attract stress, and for onsetless syllables to repel it. Second, the stressed syllable embraces a greater array of consonant clusters than unstressed syllables. Moreover, the farther form the main stress, the less likely the unstressed syllable is to contain a complex onset. This finding indicates that the ability of a position to license complex onsets is related to its distance from the prosodic head.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna-Carolina Haensch ◽  
Bernd Weiß

An increasing number of researchers pool, harmonize, and analyze survey data from different survey providers for their research questions. They aim to study heterogeneity between groups over a long period or examine smaller subgroups; research questions that can be impossible to answer with a single survey. This combination or pooling of data is known as individual person data (IPD) meta-analysis in medicine and psychology; in sociology, it is understood as part of ex-post survey harmonization (Granda et al 2010).However, in medicine or psychology, most original studies focus on treatment or intervention effect and apply experimental research designs to come to causal conclusions. In contrast, many sociological or economic studies are nonexperimental. In comparison to experimental data, survey-based data is subject to complex sampling and nonresponse. Ignoring the complex sampling design can lead to biased population inferences not only in population means and shares but also in regression coefficients, widely used in the social sciences (DuMouchel and Duncan 1983 and Solon et al. 2013). To account for complex sampling schemes or non-ignorable unit nonresponse, survey-based data often comes with survey weights. But how to use survey weights after pooling different surveys?We will build upon the work done by DuMouchel and Duncan (1983) and Solon et al. (2013) for survey-weighted regression analysis with a single data set. Through Monte Carlo (MC) simulations, we will show that endogenous sampling and heterogeneity of effects models require survey weighting to receive approximately unbiased estimates after ex-post survey harmonization. Second, we focus on a list of methodological questions: Do survey-weighted one-stage and two-stage (meta-)analytical approaches perform differently? Is it possible to include random effects, especially if we have to assume study heterogeneity? Another challenging methodological question is the inclusion of random effects in a one-stage analysis.Our simulations show that two-stage analysis will be biased if the weights' variation is high, whereas one-stage analysis remains unbiased. We also show that the inclusion of random effects in a one-stage analysis is challenging but doable, i.e., weights must be transformed in most cases. Apart from the MC simulations, we also show the difference between two-stage and one-stage approaches with real-world data from same-sex couples in Germany.


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