Neogrammarian Sound Change, Lexical Diffusion, and the Second Consonant Shift

2012 ◽  
Vol 64-65 ◽  
pp. 37-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Callender
2001 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Berit Hansen

The present study explores the notion of lexical diffusion in relation to an ongoing change in Modern French nasal vowels. Data are interviews with 42 Parisians, recorded in 1972–74 and 1989–93. We start with the notion that sound change ought to be regular, according to the classification of Labov (1994): that is, being a phonetically gradual change, it should be lexically abrupt. The first part of our analysis, which includes more than 10,000 nasal vowel tokens, seems to indicate an influence of factors compatible with the hypothesis of regular sound change (i.e., stress and phonetic surroundings). A closer look at the vowel /[vowel symbol]/, however, reveals an independent lexical and grammatical conditioning, one not entirely explicable in terms of stress or phonetics. As other studies have shown (Krishnamurti, 1998; Yaeger-Dror, 1996), gradual phonetic change might show lexical irregularities, a fact which calls for a revision of Labov's classification.


1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bh. Krishnamurti

ABSTRACTGondi is a Dravidian language spoken by 2.2 million speakers (Census of India 1981) in the mountains and forests of four adjacent states in central India. Gondi is a chain of several dialects, some of which, at distant points, are perhaps not mutually intelligible. A major dialect division is provided by a two-step sound change: s- > h- in the west, north, and northwest and h- > - in the south and southeast. The present article studies this two-step sound change, which is still in progress, and establishes two facts. First, contrary to the normal expectation that this sound change would be phonetically gradual and lexically abrupt (Neogram-marian type), there is evidence that it has been lexically gradual and perhaps also phonetically gradual (lexical diffusion). Second, phonetic gradualness and regularity in implementation of sound change are properties not incompatible with the mechanism of lexical diffusion. Labov's observation that s > h > has not been reported as a lexically diffused change in many quantitative studies of Portuguese and Spanish (1981) finds a clear exception in Gondi. Under the lexical diffusion model, the regularity of a sound change is defined as the final outcome in a three-stage change of the relevant lexicon: unchanged (u), variant (u ˜ c), and changed (c). If the entire eligible lexicon passed from u to c through u ˜ c, the change would become regular. If all u ˜ c became c and for some reason no item under u became u ˜ c, the sound change would die prematurely, since the variant stage which provided the rule for the innovation would be absent. Since a regular sound change can result from either the Neogrammarian model or the lexical diffusion model, Labov's (1994:542–543) theoretical proposal of complementarity between the kinds of changes resulting from the two mechanisms calls for more studies of sound change in progress to decide the issue.


1999 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
JUDITH A. GIERUT ◽  
MICHELE L. MORRISETTE ◽  
ANNETTE HUST CHAMPION

Lexical diffusion, as characterized by interword variation in production, was examined in phonological acquisition. The lexical variables of word frequency and neighbourhood density were hypothesized to facilitate sound change to varying degrees. Twelve children with functional phonological delays, aged 3;0 to 7;4, participated in an alternating treatments experiment to promote sound change. Independent variables were crossed to yield all logically possible combinations of high/low frequency and high/low density in treatment; the dependent measure was generalization accuracy in production. Results indicated word frequency was most facilitative in sound change, whereas, dense neighbourhood structure was least facilitative. The salience of frequency and avoidance of high density are discussed relative to the type of phonological change being induced in children's grammars, either phonetic or phonemic, and to the nature of children's representations. Results are further interpreted with reference to interactive models of language processing and optimality theoretic accounts of linguistic structure.


Diachronica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mieko Ogura

SUMMARY Based on the data presented in Ogura (1987), Labov (1992, 1994) reanalyzes the distribution of ME i and u words at 311 sites in England and maintains that the mathematical analysis supports the regularity hypothesis as well as the claim of phonetic conditioning of sound change. We have shown that diffusion from word to word and diffusion from site to site progress side by side, and that lexical diffusion from word to word along the time dimension is reflected in the spatial distribution of the words through sites. We have compared a given pair of ME i and ME u words by counting the number of sites where the pair of words is pronounced differently, which strongly indicates lexical diffusion at work. We have also clarified the ordering relation among the words and have refuted Labov's claim of phonetically conditioned regular sound change. We have claimed that lexical diffusion is working W1thin narrow phonetic environments. We may conclude, contrary to Labov's claims, that the spatial distribution of words is strongly suggestive of lexical diffusion. RÉSUMÉ A partir des donnees fournies dans Ogura (1987), Labov (1992, 1994) reprend l'analyse de la distribution des mots en moyen anglais contenant des i et u a 311 sites en Angleterre et il soutient que son analyse mathematique appuie l'hypothese de regularite ainsi bien que son affirmation relative au conditionnement phonetique du changement des sons. Nous demontrons que la diffusion lexical procede de mot a mot et qu'elle progresse d'un site a l'autre, parallelement; nous demontrons egalement que la diffusion lexicale de mot a mot en fonction du temps est reflechie par la distribution spatiale de mots a travers les sites. Nous comparons des paires de mots contenants ces i et u du moyen anglais en comptant le nombre de sites ou ces paires des mots sont prononcees differemment, signe d'une diffusion lexicale en cours. Nous eclair-cissons les liens d'ordre entre les mots et refutons ainsi l'hypothese de Labov sur le conditionnement phonetique d'un changement regulier des sons. Nous affirmons que la diffusion lexicale opere dans le cadre etroit des environne-ments phonetiques. Ainsi, a l'encontre des affirmations de Labov, la distribution spatiale de mots revele Taction de la diffusion lexicale. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Auf Grundlage von in Ogura (1987) vorgelegten Daten hat Labov (1992, 1994) eine Reanalyse der Distribution von I und u enthaltenen Wortern des Mittelenglischen an 311 Stellen in England unternommen. Er behauptet, daß seine mathematische Analyse der erstmalig von den Junggrammatikern formu-lierten Regularitatshypothese ebenso unterstlitze W1e seine Auffassung eines phonetisch bedingten Lautwandels. Es W1rd hier gezeigt, daß die Diffusion von Wort zu Wort vor sich geht und von Ort zu Ort nebeneinander fortschreitet. DaB die lexikalische Diffusion von Wort zu Wort der Zeitdimension entlang vor sich geht, spiegelt sich in der spatialen Distribution der Worter in diesen Orten W1der. Der Vergleich beliebiger Wortpaare des Mittelenglischen, die i und u enthalten, in denen die Anzahl von Orten solcher Wortpaare, die ver-schiedene Aussprachen aufweisen, legt nahe, anzunehmen, daB lexikalische Diffusion am Werk ist. AuBerdem ist die Anordnungsrelation innerhalb dieser Worter geklart worden, so daB Labovs Behauptung, daB es sich hier um phonetisch bedingten, regelhaften Lautwandel handle, wohl W1derlegt sein diirfte. Im vorliegenden Aufsatz W1rd dagegen behauptet, daB die lexikalische Diffusion sich im Rahmen von engen phonetischen Umgebungen vollzieht. Es W1rd daraus gefolgert, daB, im Gegensatz zu Labovs Annahmen, die spatiale Distribution von Wortern fur das W1rken einer lexikalischen Diffusion spricht.


1993 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann A. Tyler ◽  
Mary Louise Edwards

ABSTRACTThe interaction between lexical acquisition and acquisition of initial voiceless stops was studied in two normally developing children, aged 1;9 and 1;10, by acoustically examining the token-by-token accuracy of initial voiceless stop targets in different lexical items. Production accuracy was also examined as it related to the frequency of usage of different words, as well as the time when they entered the children's lexicons. Fewer than half of the words in the children's lexicons had tokens representing the emergence of accurate voiceless stop production prior to the session at which the voicing contrast was achieved. These words were primarily ‘old’ words that had been in the children's lexicons from the beginning of data collection, as opposed to ‘new’ words, first produced in later recording sessions. Findings are discussed in reference to the ‘lexical diffusion’ model of sound change and within the framework of nonlinear underspecification theory.


2002 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan Bybee

The literature on frequency effects in lexical diffusion shows that even phonetically gradual changes that in some cases are destined to be lexically regular show lexical diffusion while they are in progress. Change that is both phonetically and lexically gradual presents a serious challenge to theories with phonemic underlying forms. An alternate exemplar model that can account for lexical variation in phonetic detail is outlined here. This model predicts that the frequency with which words are used in the contexts for change will affect how readily the word undergoes a change in progress. This prediction is tested on data from /t, d/ deletion in American English. Finally, the effect of bound morphemes on the diffusion of a sound change is examined. The data suggest that instances of a bound morpheme can affect the rate of change for that morpheme overall.


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