Hebrew script for Jewish languages

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-165
Author(s):  
Peter T. Daniels

Abstract That “script follows religion” is well known. Missionary activities by Christian, Manichaean and Islamic, and Buddhist and Hindu proselytizers brought literacy, in alphabetic, abjadic, and abugidic scripts respectively, to previously non-literate communities in Europe, Asia and Africa, and South and Southeast Asia respectively. Judaism, however, did not proselytize; instead, it “wandered,” bringing Jewish communities throughout Europe and a good part of Asia, to lands that were already literate thanks to those earlier missionaries. Jewish languages emerged when diaspora communities adopted vernaculars altered on the basis of the culture-languages Hebrew and Aramaic. Such communities treasured their Hebrew and Aramaic literacies and often wrote the vernaculars using Hebrew script. The Hebrew letters denote consonants only, but the Jewish languages usually have more than 22 consonants and a number of vowels. Medieval Hebrew scholars devised vowels marks, used almost exclusively in sacred texts, but most Jewish languages barely use them. Unlike the other missionary scripts, Hebrew-script orthographies were often influenced by the indigenous orthographies they encountered. Exploring those influences needs an abbreviated account of the development of Hebrew orthography from its second-millennium bce forebears. A few examples follow of the adaptations of Hebrew script to Jewish languages, and various commonalities are found among such adaptations that probably emerged independently with little contact between speakers of the various languages. The question arises as to whether similar divergences and commonalities are found in other scripts spread in Scriptural contexts. That they are generally not reflects the difference between scripts arriving in non-literate versus literate surroundings.

Author(s):  
Christoph Emmrich

The historical shift from manuscript to print is only one aspect of the relationship between the two media, yet it has attracted the most attention. Influential media historiographies have either stressed or downplayed the degrees to which this particular change impacted textual practice in Asia. Playing one medium against the other, however, hinders our understanding of how print and manuscript have been shaping each other since the emergence of Buddhism. A broadened understanding of print that comprises early dhāraṇī estampage and later Chinese and Tibetan block prints, as well as the European printing press, shows that technological innovations in the reproduction, preservation, and distribution of writing spread out of and moved back into parts of South and Southeast Asia, recurring in multiple waves and in diverse forms, with differing local solutions defying attempts at a comprehensive media-centric periodization. Clay as the earliest preserved medium for the printed reproduction of Buddhist texts was replaced by paper as South Asian Buddhism spread northwest into Central and East Asia, impacting script cultures in Vietnam and Tibet and facilitating a division of labor which ensured that prints resembled manuscripts and manuscript came to dominate entire genres and social niches in the economy of the book. In the southern Himalayas, Tibetan block print and South Asian manuscript culture intermingled freely, even after the introduction of the European printing press, with Western print in isolated but striking cases upholding the prestige and supporting the ongoing reproduction of manuscripts. Similarly, in Sri Lanka and Thailand it was the colonial impact of print that led to a retooling and reevaluation of manuscripts as the key commodity through which to justify publishing and archiving efforts at the service of the project to build the nation-state, leading to the emergence of a new genre in South Asia, the library catalogue. Burma and Cambodia, with their interrupted trajectories toward Buddhist nationhood, saw interplay between manuscript, print, and epigraphy, in one case, and the detachment from the larger Thai manuscript lineage by the creation of a new mixed manuscript and print tradition in the other. More recent Buddhist traditions never experienced any of the passages from manuscript to print, emerging in a textual environment entirely constituted by the European printing press. Yet, in this and in the general contemporary Buddhist environment too, the manuscript persists in novel forms, either as a preliminary stage in the ontogenesis of any published or unpublished material or in the myriad instances in which jotting down on slips of paper contributes to the organization of the Buddhist everyday.


1991 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Houghton

The net annual flux of carbon from south and southeast Asia as a result of changes in the area of forests was calculated for the period 1850 to 1985. The total net flux ranged from 14.4 to 24.0 Pg of carbon, depending on the estimates of biomass used in the calculations. High estimates of biomass, based on direct measurement of a few stands, and low estimates of biomass, based on volumes of merchantable wood surveyed over large areas, differ by a factor of almost 2. These and previous estimates of the release of carbon from terrestrial ecosystems to the atmosphere have been based on changes in the area of forests, or rates of deforestation. Recent studies have shown, however, that the loss of carbon from forests in tropical Asia is greater than would be expected on the basis of deforestation alone. This loss of carbon from within forests (degradation) also releases carbon to the atmosphere when the products removed from the forest burn or decay. Thus, degradation should be included in analyses of the net flux of carbon from terrestrial ecosystems. Degradation may also explain some of the difference between estimates of tropical forest biomass if the higher estimates are based on undisturbed forests and the lower estimates are more representative of the region. The implication of degradation for estimates of the release of carbon from terrestrial ecosystems is explored. When degradation was included in the analyses, the net flux of carbon between 1850 and 1985 was 30.2 Pg of carbon, about 25% above that calculated on the basis of deforestation alone (with high estimates of biomass), and about 110% above that calculated with low estimates of biomass. Thus, lower estimates of biomass for contemporary tropical forests do not necessarily result in lower estimates of flux.


Phytotaxa ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 173 (2) ◽  
pp. 177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhuqiu Song ◽  
Dongxian Xu

The genus Ailanthus Desfontaines (1788: 265) of the family Simaroubaceae comprises 5–10 species distributed in South and Southeast Asia as well as northern Australia (Nooteboom 1962, Peng & Thomas 2008). The species can be classified into two groups, i.e., one with toothed leaflets and the other with entire-margined leaflets. The latter group currently includes five species, A. triphysa (Dennstedt 1818: 32) Alston (1931: 41), A. vietnamensis H.V.Sam & Nooteboom (2007: 555), A. fordii Nooteboom (1962: 220), A. integrifolia Lamarck (1792: 417), and A. guangxiensis S.L.Mo ex C.F.Liang & S.L.Mo (1982: 145). The last species was described based on two fruit collections from Longzhou County, Guangxi Province, China. In the protologue, the authors stated that it was clearly distinguished from its congeneric species by the large samaras. After that, A. guangxiensis is always considered as an endemic species of Guangxi (Peng & Thomas 2008, Qin & Liu 2010, Mo 2011). In 2010, it was listed as a key protected wild plant of Guangxi by the local government.


Antiquity ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 88 (342) ◽  
pp. 1229-1243 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiong Zhaoming

The extensive cemetery at Hepu in southern China represents one of the best-preserved tomb complexes of the Han period. It contains many elaborate tombs with exotic luxury materials that testify to the status of Hepu as the home port of the maritime Silk Road. This trading network carried Chinese products (notably silks) by sea to kingdoms and communities of South and Southeast Asia, and was the southern counterpart to the more famous overland Silk Road through Central Asia. The materials found in the Hepu tombs demonstrate the range and geography of contacts, including semi-precious beads from India and ceramics from the Parthian empire. This far-flung trade network had major impacts both on southern China and on the other regions that it connected.


Author(s):  
Tedi Kholiludin

AbstrakDi ranah kajian Islam, perbedaan antara Islamisme dan Islam sering diabaikan atau bahkan dihilangkan. Namun, demi alasan yang akan menjadi lebih jelas pada penjelasan berikutnya, pembedaan tersebut penting bagi kepercayaan bahwa umat muslim bisa hidup damai dengan non muslim. Keimanan Islam bukanlah penghambat bagi perdamaian atau juga ancaman bagi non muslim lainnya. Di sisi lain, Islamisme menciptakan keretakan peradaban antara muslim dan non-muslim. Bukan hanya label “Yahudi dan tentara Perang Salib” yang dianggap sebagai musuh, tetapi juga menyasar non muslim lainnya: Hindu di Kashmir dan Malaysia, Buddha dan Konfusian di Cina serta Asia Tenggara, orang-orang penganut agama animisme Afrika di Sudan. Islamisme mengklasifikasikan seluruh kalangan non muslim sebagai kuffar (orang-orang kafir) dan dengan demikian berarti merupakan “musuh Islam.” Kalangan Muslim liberal pun tidak luput dari sasaran. Selain berkontribusi terhadap polarisasi antara Muslim dan non Muslim lainnya, Islamisme juga memunculkan perseteruan internal yang kejam. Islamisme bukanlah sesuatu yang dibutuhkan oleh peradaban Is­lam saat ini di tengah krisis yang tengah melandanya. Malahan, kita perlu bersepakat dengan Islam sipil dan liberal terkait perspektif sekular. Dalam melakukan hal tersebut, kita sebagai Muslim non Islamis ti­dak hanya menerima pluralisme tetapi juga mencari tempat bagi Islam dalam kebinekaan buda'ya dan agama yang membentuk dunia modern. Para muslim liberal bukanlah “suatu irisan kecil”. Dengan menggambarkan kita seperti itu, yang akibatnya pun bisa kita abaikan, bukan semata kesalahan faktual, tetapi sebuah langkah taktis, ketika asumsi ini justru cenderung mengalienasikan kalangan muslim non-Islamis sekular yang paling bersahabat dengan Barat.Kata Kunci: Islamisme, Pos-Islamisme, Islam Sipil AbstractIn Islamic study, the difference between Islamism and Islamic are often overlooked or even eliminated. However, for clearer reasons will be explained on next chapter. The distinction is important to believe that muslims can live in peace with non-muslims. Islamic faith is not a barrier for peace or even a threat to non-muslims. On the other hand, Islamism creates a rift of civilizations between muslims and non-muslims. Not only label "Jews and Crusaders" were regarded as enemies, but also targeting non-muslims: Hindus in Kashmir and Malaysia, Buddhist and Confucian in China an Southeast Asia, the African animist religions in Sudan. Islamism classify all non-muslims as kuffar (infidels) and it means they are all "enemies of moslem." Among the liberal muslims are not missed the target. Beside to contribute the polarization between muslims and non-muslims, Islamism also raises cruel internal conflict. Islamism is not something needed by moslem civilization in the crisis that they faced. Instead, we need to agree that between the civilian moslem and liberal related to secular perspective. In this case, we are as moslem non-Islamism not only accept pluralism but also placing Moslem in cultural diversity and a religion that shape modern world. Liberal Muslims are not "a thin slice". By describing us like that, which its consequent can we ignore, not merely is factual errors, but a tactical step, when assuming it pricely tend to alienate secular Moslem non-Islamist who most friendly to the Western.Keywords: Islamism, Pos-Islamism, Civil Islamic


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (20) ◽  
pp. 9703-9718 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Tanaka ◽  
H.-J. Kim ◽  
K. Saito ◽  
H. G. Takahashi ◽  
M. Watanabe ◽  
...  

Abstract. To examine the influence of both crop cultivation and surface air temperatures (SATs) on annual global isoprene and monoterpene emissions, which can lead to the formation of secondary organic aerosols (SOAs), we simulated, on a monthly basis, the annual emissions of volatile organic compounds (VOCs) during the period 1854–2000. The model estimates were based on historical climate data such as SATs, and downward solar radiation (DSR) reproduced with an atmospheric-ocean circulation model, as well as a time series of the global distribution of cropland (to test the hypothesis that conversion of forests into croplands lowers emissions). The simulations demonstrated that global SAT, DSR, the combination of SAT and DSR, and the expansion of cropland all affected emissions. The effect of cropland expansion (i.e., forest conversion) on annual emissions during this period was larger for isoprene (~7% reduction on a global scale) than for monoterpenes (~2% reduction), mainly because of the reduction in broadleaf evergreen forests (BEFs) in Southeast Asia, which have the highest and most constant emissions of isoprene and where both temperature and radiation are high all year round. The reduction in the Amazon region and in parts of Africa, which are other primary sources of annual global isoprene emissions, but where the conversion of BEF to cropland has been much smaller than in Southeast Asia, was less remarkable, probably because the broadleaf deciduous forests and C4 grasslands in these areas have lower and seasonal emissions; hence, their conversion has less effect. On the other hand, the difference in the emission factors (ε) between cropland and the other vegetation types was much lower for monoterpenes than for isoprene, although the ε for cropland was generally the lowest for both compounds. Thus, the expansion of cropland also contributed to the reduction in monoterpene emissions to some degree, but had less effect. A ~5% increase in emissions due to rising SAT was more than offset by the decrease in isoprene emissions and a concurrent ~2% reduction caused by a decrease in DSR. Overall, annual global isoprene emissions in 2000 were lower than in 1854 by 13 TgC yr−1, whereas annual global monoterpene emissions were higher by 2.3 TgC yr−1.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (7) ◽  
pp. 16515-16555 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Tanaka ◽  
H.-J. Kim ◽  
K. Saito ◽  
H. G. Takahashi ◽  
M. Watanabe ◽  
...  

Abstract. To examine the influence of both crop cultivation and surface air temperature (SAT) on annual global isoprene and monoterpene emissions, which can lead to the formation of secondary organic aerosols (SOAs), we simulated the annual emissions of volatile organic compounds (VOCs) during the period 1854–2000. The model estimates were based on historical climate data such as SATs, and downward solar radiation (DSR) reproduced with an atmospheric-ocean circulation model, as well as a time series of the global distribution of cropland (to test the hypothesis that conversion of forests into croplands lowers emissions). The simulations demonstrated that global SAT, DSR, the combination of SAT and DSR, and the expansion of cropland all affected emissions. The effect of cropland expansion (i.e., forest conversion) on annual emissions during this period was larger for isoprene (~7% reduction on a global scale) than for monoterpenes (~2% reduction), mainly because of the reduction in broadleaf evergreen forests (BEFs) in Southeast Asia, which have the highest and most constant emissions of isoprene and where both temperature and radiation are high all year round. The reduction in the Amazon region and in parts of Africa, which are other primary sources of annual global isoprene emissions, but where the conversion of BEF to cropland has been much smaller than in Southeast Asia, was less remarkable, probably because the broadleaf deciduous forests and C4 grasslands in these areas have lower and seasonal emissions; hence, their conversion has less effect. On the other hand, the difference in the emission factors (ε) between cropland and the other vegetation types was much lower for monoterpenes than for isoprene, although the ε for cropland was generally the lowest for both emissions. Thus, the expansion of cropland also contributed to the reduction in monoterpene emissions to some degree, but had less effect. A ~5% increase in emissions due to rising SAT was more than offset by the decrease in isoprene emissions and a concurrent ~2% reduction caused by a decrease in DSR. Overall, annual global isoprene emissions in 2000 were lower than in 1854, whereas annual global monoterpene emissions were higher.


1973 ◽  
Vol 29 (02) ◽  
pp. 490-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hiroh Yamazaki ◽  
Itsuro Kobayashi ◽  
Tadahiro Sano ◽  
Takio Shimamoto

SummaryThe authors previously reported a transient decrease in adhesive platelet count and an enhancement of blood coagulability after administration of a small amount of adrenaline (0.1-1 µg per Kg, i. v.) in man and rabbit. In such circumstances, the sensitivity of platelets to aggregation induced by ADP was studied by an optical density method. Five minutes after i. v. injection of 1 µg per Kg of adrenaline in 10 rabbits, intensity of platelet aggregation increased to 115.1 ± 4.9% (mean ± S. E.) by 10∼5 molar, 121.8 ± 7.8% by 3 × 10-6 molar and 129.4 ± 12.8% of the value before the injection by 10”6 molar ADP. The difference was statistically significant (P<0.01-0.05). The above change was not observed in each group of rabbits injected with saline, 1 µg per Kg of 1-noradrenaline or 0.1 and 10 µg per Kg of adrenaline. Also, it was prevented by oral administration of 10 mg per Kg of phenoxybenzamine or propranolol or aspirin or pyridinolcarbamate 3 hours before the challenge. On the other hand, the enhancement of ADP-induced platelet aggregation was not observed in vitro, when 10-5 or 3 × 10-6 molar and 129.4 ± 12.8% of the value before 10∼6 molar ADP was added to citrated platelet rich plasma (CPRP) of rabbit after incubation at 37°C for 30 second with 0.01, 0.1, 1, 10 or 100 µg per ml of adrenaline or noradrenaline. These results suggest an important interaction between endothelial surface and platelets in connection with the enhancement of ADP-induced platelet aggregation by adrenaline in vivo.


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