Gender mainstreaming in climate change adaptation strategies in Bangladesh and Nepal.

Author(s):  
S. Shehwar

Abstract This chapter discusses the state of gender mainstreaming in climate action activities and policies in two South Asian neighbors, Bangladesh and Nepal, based on a review of key climate change policy documents. Three questions are addressed: (1) How do Bangladesh and Nepal mitigate the detrimental effects of climate change for rural women? (2) How do climate policies and programmes in Bangladesh and Nepal respond to the different needs and concerns of these women within their national adaptation strategies? (3) What are the opportunities and challenges of mainstreaming gender in climate action policies and programmes in Bangladesh and Nepal? A key argument of this chapter is that climate change is not gender-neutral, and it has become increasingly necessary for Bangladesh and Nepal to learn from one another in order to build gender-sensitive strategies that are cognizant of the needs of rural women.

2016 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 741-758 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Spies-Butcher ◽  
Adam Stebbing

Despite growing evidence of significant impacts from human-induced climate change, policy responses have been slow. Understanding this policy inertia has led to competing explanations, which either point to the need to build a consensual politics separated from economic partisanship, or which encourage solidarities between environmental and social movements and issues. This article analyses a recent successful mobilisation, leading to the passage of the Clean Energy Act in Australia, to explore the relationship between attitudes to environmental and social protection, particularly among the core constituency in favour of stronger climate action. Using social survey data from the Australian Election Study, the article finds evidence of independent associations between prioritising environmental concerns and support for welfare state expansion, and a realignment of materialist and post-materialist values. This we argue is consistent with Polanyian analysis that posits a link between social and environmental causes based on resistance to commodification.


Author(s):  
Gustaf Arrhenius ◽  
Mark Budolfson ◽  
Dean Spears

Choosing a policy response to climate change seems to demand a population axiology. A formal literature involving impossibility theorems has demonstrated that all possible approaches to population axiology have one or more seemingly counterintuitive implications. This leads to the worry that because axiological theory is radically unresolved, this theoretical ignorance implies serious practical ignorance about what climate policies to pursue. This chapter offers two deflationary responses to this worry. First, it may be that given the actual facts of climate change, all axiologies agree on a particular policy response. In this case, there would be a clear dominance conclusion, and the puzzles of axiology would be practically irrelevant (albeit still theoretically challenging). Second, despite the impossibility results, the authors prove the possibility of axiologies that satisfy bounded versions of all of the desiderata from the population axiology literature, which may be all that is needed for policy evaluation.


Subject Climate change policy views in Russia. Significance After years of delay, the Russian government has acceded to the Paris Agreement to limit global warming. This is a positive step, although the decision is more symbolism than substance. Moscow's obligations under the agreement are very limited and powerful domestic interests are obstructing implementation of a more active climate policy. Impacts Due to warming in the Arctic, Russia plans to increase cargo traffic along its Arctic maritime route to 80 million tonnes per year by 2024. As Russia promotes itself as an international climate leader, state-owned Rusnano is promoting high-tech solutions to emissions reductions. Objections to radical policy change will not be couched in the language of climate change denial.


2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (5) ◽  
pp. 555-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariola Acosta ◽  
Margit Wessel ◽  
Severine Bommel ◽  
Edidah L. Ampaire ◽  
Laurence Jassogne ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noah M. Sachs

Climate change is the first global triage crisis. It is caused by the overuse of a severely limited natural resource—the atmosphere’s capacity to absorb greenhouse gases—and millions of lives depend on how international law allocates this resource among nations.This Article is the first to explore solutions for climate change mitigation through the lens of triage ethics, drawing on law, philosophy, moral theory, and economics. The literature on triage ethics—developed in contexts such as battlefield trauma, organ donation, emergency medicine, and distribution of food and shelter—has direct implications for climate change policy and law, yet it has been overlooked by climate change scholars. The triage lens rules out climate policies—including the current emissions path—that will lead to catastrophic warming, and it puts options on the table that are marginalized in the current United Nations negotiations on a climate change agreement.This Article examines three allocation principles that could potentially apply in climate change triage—utilitarianism, egalitarianism, and a market-based distribution—and it concludes that egalitarianism is the preferable allocation principle from the standpoint of ethics and international law. This Article ends by exploring four major policy implications that emerge from viewing climate change through the lens of triage.


Unity Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 103-113
Author(s):  
Pashupati Nepal

A combined effect of high mountains and highly concentrated monsoon rainfall and socio-economic conditions make Nepal a highly vulnerable country to climate change. Whereas Nepal barely shares emissions of Global Greenhouse Gases (0.027%), it is the fourth most vulnerable country in the world due to the effects of climate change. In this context, this paper aims to review the National Climate Change Policy, 2019 to identify the mainstreaming of mitigation and adaptation strategies in response to the climate change for different sectors and cross cutting sectors. Such an important policy document has for the first-time addressed climate change mitigation and adaptation strategies for different sectors and cross-cutting sectors. It has made provision of institutional set-up representing federal, provincial and local levels. Some of the new strategies under this policy include development and expansion of 'payment for ecosystem services', construct pond to collect rain water, make cycle lane in urban roads, increase carbon stocks, and use renewable technologies and manage climate finance. It has given sole responsibilities of functional coordination to the Ministry of Forest and Environment (MoFE) leaving other ministries as passive partners. This can create incoherence between and among the ministries and departments. The policy formulation and institutional set-up need to be complemented by legislation to achieve expected out-puts. Until now, there is not a single legal document in Nepal that exclusively addresses the climate change issue. Therefore, promulgation of Climate Change Act 2019 can resolve the problems of climate change in the spirit of this policy.


Organization ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (5) ◽  
pp. 722-742 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane K. Lê

This empirical study examines the relationship between constructions of the future and anticipated organizational responses to climate change. Findings from the Athabasca oil sands region of Alberta, Canada indicate that actors’ views of climate change affect not only the way they construct the future of oil sands development, but also which responses they see as legitimate. Specifically, whether actors construct a future of no development, partial development or full development of the oil sands, influences the combinations of organizational responses they recommend (i.e. not responding, lobbying, engaging, developing and informing). These findings contribute to our understanding of organizational responses to climate change by showing that (1) climate action requires more than actors simply viewing climate change as strategic; (2) different constructions of the future create alternative strategic environments that necessitate divergent responses; (3) strong future constructions narrow the repertoire of business responses to climate change; and (4) in this process governments play a crucial role beyond setting climate change policy. This study thus highlights the importance of studying future constructions if we want to understand current organizational responses to environmental issues that contribute to climate change.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 114 ◽  
pp. 362-367
Author(s):  
Rebecca Schmidt

Olympic Games do not happen in a vacuum or a sports bubble. They are embedded in both local and global realities of a social, economic, and environmental nature. Environmental factors, in particular, have impacted the Olympic Movement for several decades. In this context, climate change is a more recent, yet increasingly important, issue on the agenda. This essay examines the Olympic Movement's multi-level climate change policy. Based on the goals established in the Paris Agreement, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) launched the Sports for Climate Action Initiative in 2018. In the context of the Olympics, this Initiative is implemented through the interplay between the IOC and actors at the local, host city level. Consequently, the system is highly dependent on local organizers’ capabilities to meet the Initiative's ambitious targets, as well as on the IOC's willingness and ability to take an active role in steering and supporting host cities in this process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Wendler

Climate change policy is a key example for globalized multi-level governance, involving the European Parliament (EP) both as legislator of internal European Union (EU) regulation and discursive agent in global climate negotiations. Based on the comparison of decision-making in external and internal climate change policy, the article investigates the link between the role of the EP as a political actor and arena for the interaction of competing party groups: Does EP involvement in negotiations on legally binding legislation prompt or constrain partisan polarization in comparison to declaratory statements about future goals of climate action? Harnessing a discursive institutionalist theoretical framework, the article compares EP resolutions about annual Conferences of the Parties (COPs 20 to 24) with the revision of four legislative acts for Phase IV of EU Climate Action: namely, emissions trading, effort sharing between Member States, the promotion of renewable energies, and energy efficiency standards. Using roll-call voting data and the review of legislative documentation, the contribution tracks the emergence and negotiation of political conflict in these two sets of cases. Overall, the case studies indicate a low level of external politicization, as indicated by low party group polarization, internalization of political conflict at the committee level, and compromise-building between issue dimensions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107049652110277
Author(s):  
Antto Vihma ◽  
Gunilla Reischl ◽  
Astrid Nonbo Andersen

The rise of authoritarian populism has disrupted the patterns of party competition in many Western societies. Related to this development, the current debates in the United States and European Union illustrate how empirical science on climate change may become intensely politicized, and all ambitious climate policies challenged in the contemporary political landscape. We set out an analytical framework with three ideal types of political strategies for opposing climate policies: climate science denialism, climate policy nationalism, and climate policy conservativism. Empirically, the article investigates populist resistance to ambitious climate change policy in the Nordic context, where countries have sought to assume global leadership in climate politics and have considerable public support for climate action. In an analysis of the evolving positions of populist parties in Denmark, Finland, and Sweden in recent elections, the article sheds light on the interconnection between populism and climate change policy.


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