Economic development, civil society and democratization in Hong Kong

1996 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 482-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ming Sing
2004 ◽  
Vol 179 ◽  
pp. 827-828
Author(s):  
Alvin Y. So

This book tackles two research problems. First, why has Hong Kong constituted a rare anomaly to the popular modernization theory, i.e. achieved a high degree of socio-economic development without attaining a high degree of democracy? Second, what have been the constraints on Hong Kong's democratization, especially between 1980 and mid-2002? Given that the pre-handover Hong Kong and British governments had attempted to democratize Hong Kong since 1984, and that for a long time Hong Kong had levels of socio-economic development favourable for developing democracy, why was it so lacking in Hong Kong between the mid-1980s and mid-2002, and why has full democracy been precluded?Drawing insights from some recent cross-national research, this book presents a “bargaining perspective” that stresses the explanation of democratization as the outcome of political bargaining of multiple actors. Through a historical-comparative analysis of several important phases since 1980s, the book demonstrates that Hong Kong's democratization has consistently been a product of implicit and explicit bargaining between different state and societal actors. It emphasises that attention should not be given just to two actors – the Chinese and British governments – but also to societal actors, including civil society, political society, and the political culture of the public. The varied unity and mobilization power of pro-democracy civil society and political society, as well as changing public support for democratization from 1984 to mid-2002 have, Sing argues, been crucial and yet neglected factors in shaping their bargaining power vis-à-vis the Chinese government and the subsequent final outcome over democratization.


2007 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 685-708
Author(s):  
Mohammad-Ali Shirdel

Résumé.Cette recherche a pour objectif d'expliquer le changement et la continuité dans les stratégies de développement économique après la révolution islamique en Iran. Le modèle explicatif est le suivant : la configuration et l'interaction particulière de quatre facteurs expliquent le choix et le changement dans les stratégies de développement économique en Iran : l'État, la société civile, le système mondial et les idées. À partir de 1989, la Deuxième République annonce des changements importants dans l'État islamique et dans ses relations avec la société civile islamique, d'un côté, et avec le système international, de l'autre. Ces changements en ont entraîné d'autres dans les stratégies de développement et ont eu pour résultat l'application d'une nouvelle stratégie de développement. Cette nouvelle stratégie a deux volets importants : les programmes de stabilisation économique et les programmes d'ajustement structurel.Abstract.This research aims to explain change and continuity in the strategies of economic development after the Islamic revolution in Iran. The explanatory model is as follows: the particular configuration and interaction of four factors explain the choices and changes in the strategies of economic development in Iran: the state, civil society, the world system and ideas. Starting in 1989, the Second Republic announced important changes in the Islamic State and its relations with civil society on one side, and with the international system on the other. These changes involved other changes in the strategies of development and the application of a new strategy of development. This new strategy has two important facets: programs of economic stabilization and programs of structural adjustment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric King-man Chong

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to compare and analyse the role and implementation of nationalistic education in Hong Kong and Macau special administrative regions (SARs) since their respective handover of sovereignty to China in the late 1990s. Both SARs face the educational need to cultivate a Chinese national identification among the students after the sovereignty changes. While Macau SAR has enjoyed a relatively smooth implementation of nationalistic education towards which Macau’s schools and students are largely receptive to nationalistic programmes since its handover in 1999, Hong Kong SAR Government’s nationalistic education was met by reservation from some parents, students and civil society’s groups under allegations of “political indoctrination” and “brain-washing”. The Hong Kong civil society’s resistance to National Education culminated in the anti-Moral and National Education protest in Summer 2012 and then Hong Kong schools and society. This paper attempts to provide an overview and analysis on the development of nationalistic education in both Hong Kong and Macao SARs, and to give some possible explanations on the factors that lead to differences of perceiving and responding to the nationalistic education between both places. Design/methodology/approach After conducting a literature review, this study utilises different sources of data such as curriculum guidelines, previous studies and other scholarly findings in examining the development of civic education and national education policy in both SAR societies, as well as in discussing the possible developments of nationalistic education in both SARs by making references to previous studies of citizenship and nationalistic education. Findings This study found out that different relationships between the two SAR Governments and their respective civil society, the extent of established socio-political linkages with China, as well as the introduction of a core subject of Liberal Studies in Hong Kong secondary schools, which emphasises on multiple perspectives and critical thinking skills, are some plausible factors that explain different stories and developments of implementing nationalistic education in Hong Kong and Macao SARs. Research limitations/implications For giving suggestions for a nationalistic education in both Chinese SARs, first, there should be an exploration of multiple citizenship identities. This will allow people to choose their identities and thus facilitate their belongingness in terms of local, national and global dimensions. In addition, there should be an exploration of a Chinese national identification with different emphases such as knowledge orientation and critical thinking so as to cater for youth values. Promoting the idea of an informed and reasonable-in-thinking patriot could also be a way to ease the concern that building a national identity negates a person’s freedom of thinking. Originality/value This paper attempts to compare and analyse the different responses to the same policy of enhancing nationalistic education development in both Hong Kong and Macao SARs of China. Some plausible explanations were given based on political, social and educational factors, as well as youth value oritentations. This paper would be an attempt to show that a top-down single-minded orientated nationalistic education may not work well a society such as Hong Kong, where civil society and youth values are quite different than that can be found in China.


2021 ◽  
Vol .4 (4) ◽  
pp. 54-61
Author(s):  
Dong-Ching Day

Developmental state used to be and is still regarded as a very practical theory to explain why Four Asian Tigers-Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, and Singapore enjoyed almost averagely double-digit economic growth rate each year from 1970 to 1990 as well as East Asian economic development. However, developmental state theory couldn’t tell why South Korea and Singapore’s economic development had done much better than Taiwan and Hong Kong’s in terms of GDP per capita after 2003 and 2004 respectively. The aim of the study is trying to use national identity perspective to explain why it happens like this, since Four Asian Tigers’ economic development more or less was troubled by national identity issue. The major difference between these two groups is that South Korea and Singapore have done better in dealing with national identity issue than Taiwan and Hong Kong.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (68) ◽  
pp. 1-1
Author(s):  
Elena Grigoryeva

The period of the “socialist project” occupied the biggest part of the 20th century. Hugescale social experiments have greatly shaped the present-day city’s appearance. The second half of the 20th century evidenced an unprecedented volume of housing and industrial technologies in house construction and design. Most of us, today’s citizens, live in the neighborhoods and houses built during the socialist era.Belgrade and Split, Sverdlovsk, Sevastopol, Magnitogorsk, Irkutsk, Krasnoyarsk, Khabarovsk, Odessa, Moscow – all the cities represented in this issue demonstrate the achievements of the period of the “socialist project”.Having defined the historical heritage as a phenomenon of the socio-economic development, the civil society of Irkutsk pointed out again the urgency of this issue. It also concerns other cities that respect their history. Without history, without heritage, there is no future. Including the heritage of the 20th century.We would like to devote the main topic of the issue to recollections of how residential neighborhoods were formed in socialist cities, what people and what processes defined that formation, in which cases the ideology influenced the appearance of cities, and in which cases cities grew and developed according to their internal regularities. The purpose is not only to pay our respect to wonderful masters, but also to learn the humanistic approaches to space arrangement from them again. It is a good thing in the times of domination of completely different goals related to making a quick profit. It is a good thing for all.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002085232110338
Author(s):  
Brian C.H. Fong

Traditionally, comparative budgeting scholars have focused on analysing budget oversight at the sovereign state level. Budget oversight at the territorial autonomy level remains largely under-investigated. Drawing on the Open Budget Survey methodology, this study is a pioneering attempt to compare the budget oversight institutions and practices in Hong Kong and Macao under the ‘one country, two systems’ model. This study finds that the varying practices of budget oversight of Hong Kong and Macao are the consequence of their different bases of opposition politics, including democratic opposition, the media and civil society. This study extends the research focus of existing comparative budgeting literature from sovereign states to territorial autonomies. Thus, it has important implications for budget oversight analysis and policy worldwide. Points for practitioners This article uses comparative studies of Hong Kong and Macao to illustrate how different bases of opposition politics have led to varying practices of budget oversight. For policymakers, the lesson from the comparative studies is that the rise of democratic opposition, the media and civil society will bring about pressures for budget oversight. More policy learning is necessary for policymakers across democracies and semi-democracies to share the experiences of handling the politics of budget oversight.


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