Millets in Nation-States: The Case of Greek and Bulgarian Muslims, 1912–1923

2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanos Katsikas
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Forced Migration ◽  
Turkish Population ◽  
Population Exchange ◽  
South West ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

It is estimated that, in 1913, less than 500,000 Muslims lived in the regions ruled by Greece and around 800,000 Muslims in those areas which were under the authority of the Bulgarian state. In the aftermath of the 1923 obligatory Greco-Turkish population exchange the number of Muslims in Greece reduced to approximately 200,000, of which around 180,000 lived in the region of Western Thrace and 20–25,000 Albanian-speaking Muslims, known as Çams, in Epirus and Greek South-West Macedonia. In the same period, the number of Muslims in Bulgaria was between 800,000 and one million people. Meanwhile, during the two Balkan and the First World Wars a hardly definable number of Muslims lost their lives due to starvation, disease, massacres and physical destruction caused by the military and paramilitary troops of the two Balkan states, as well as due to voluntary and forced migration to areas controlled by the Ottoman Empire.

The Fruit of the Arts and the Mob

2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 404-412
Author(s):  
Orit Bashkin
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Power Relationship ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Arts ◽  
Dreyfus Affair ◽  
Mere Existence ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This essay considers accounts of the Dreyfus Affair published in the newspaper Thamarat al-Funun (founded 1875) during 1898 to demonstrate how Arab writers addressed the rights of minorities in Europe and examined failed emancipatory projects. Writing about the Dreyfus Affair allowed intellectuals in the Levant to reverse the power relationship between themselves and Europe and to comment on the kinds of politics that would ensure the equality before the law of the Jewish minority in Europe. These debates further illustrate that even before the shift to electoral politics in the Ottoman Empire (after 1908) and in postwar Arab nation-states, Arab writers were preoccupied with the relationship between statecraft and majority-minority relations. They argued that democratic institutions such as parliaments and courts of law were the best venues to safeguard the rights of religious communities whose mere existence was defined as a problem. Bashkin shows how Thamarat al-Funun pointed to phenomena that endangered religious communities, such as fanaticism, racism, abuse of power by the police and the military, and mob politics.

Gertrude Bell and the Ottoman Empire

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Sluglett
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Senior Member ◽  
South West ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Future ◽  
Gertrude Bell ◽  
First World

Gertrude Bell was the only senior member of the Mesopotamian Administration to have had any significant experience of the Ottoman Empire before the First World War. Percy Cox had spent most of his career in Persia and the Gulf before coming to Iraq. Arnold Wilson had spent his career in India, south-west Persia and the Gulf. Reader Bullard is probably the only exception, as he had served in Constantinople, Trebizond and Erzurum between 1907 and 1914, after which he was posted to the consulate in Basra and subsequently to Baghdad and Kirkuk. In contrast, Gertrude Bell had made extensive visits to various parts of the region, beginning with a visit to Iran in 1892. She spent 1899–1900 in Palestine and Syria, and also travelled elsewhere in the region, as described in Syria: The Desert and the Sown (1907) and From Amurath to Amurath (1911). The chapter discusses what Bell wrote about the Ottoman Empire, both in these books and in her letters, and the extent to which her views of its politics and administration may have influenced her thoughts on the future administration and structure of Iraq.

scholarly journals Envisioning Turco-Arab Co-Existence between Empire and Nationalism

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-41
Author(s):  
Alp Yenen
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
World War ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Federalist ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Great War ◽  
Nation State Formation ◽  
First World

Abstract The idea of a continued Turco-Arab co-existence under the Ottoman Sultanate might appear counterfactual or marginal – if not nostalgic – from the sober vantage of knowing “the end of history”. The Ottoman Empire neither survived the Great War nor made way for a multinational co-existence of Turks and Arabs. For contemporaries, however, different models of federalism and multinationalism offered solutions to save the Ottoman Empire and safeguard Turco-Arab co-existence. While the federalist ideas of Ottoman Arabs are far better known in the academic literature, in regards to Ottoman Turks, the commonplace interpretations follow the teleology of the Turkish nation-state formation. In order to correct this misperception, I will illustrate the existence of corresponding Turkish voices and visions of federalism and multinationalism. Envisioning Turco-Arab co-existence was a serious feature of policy debates, especially in the years of crisis from the Balkan Wars to the settlement of post-Ottoman nation-states in the aftermath of the First World War.

scholarly journals The Evolution of the Image of the Ottoman Empire on the Cartoons of the British Magazine «Punch» of the First World War Period

2020 ◽  
pp. 69-75
Author(s):  
N.N. Lydin ◽  
P.V. Ulyanov
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
First World War ◽  
British Society ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Mass Audience ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

This article discusses the development in the British society of the image of the Ottoman Empire, perceived as a ’’German ally“ during the First World War. English cartoons from the satirical magazine “Punch” were taken as historical sources. The peculiarity of this magazine was that during the period under study it was popular among representatives of the elite, intelligentsia, workers and some of the farmers due to the publication of various drawings and cartoons in it. The main goal of the authors of the article is to consider the development of the image of the Ottoman Empire, presented on graphic materials as an “ally of Germany”, using political caricatures as an example, and to reveal its features in British propaganda. The study allows us to conclude that the image of the Ottoman Empire was presented in satirical form, as it was aimed at discrediting the ”ally of Germany“. British artists sought to convey to the mass audience that the Ottoman Porta was embroiled in armed conflict and was used by Germany as a "puppet". On the example of the most striking English cartoons of the satirical magazine “Punch”, it can be noted that many stories about the “ally of Germany” reflected in their content the military-political dependence of the Ottoman Empire on the German one.

scholarly journals Transfer of German Military Know-How and Technology to the Ottoman Military Factories at the beginning of the First World War

Belleten ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 79 (285) ◽  
pp. 739-760
Author(s):  
Abdurrahim Aydın ◽  
Tuncay Zorlu
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Spare Parts ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
Technical Equipment ◽  
Supply And Distribution ◽  
The First World War ◽  
International Diplomacy ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

Supply of military weapons, equipment, spare parts and ammunition had always been of a crucial importance for the Ottoman Empire. This issue came to be a part of an international diplomacy from 19th century onwards when the Ottoman governments were forced into a position to choose allies from European Powers who were in rivalry in providing military materials. Many companies from France, England and Germany competed with each other in order to have the greatest share from the military supplies market in the Ottoman Empire. Such German companies as Krupp, and Rheinische Metallwaren und Maschinefabrik in Düsseldorf; French company Sxneider/Le Creusot; and British Armstrong/Vickers Company were among them. However, German weapon companies stood out in meeting the needs of the Ottoman military. In the reign of Abdulhamid II, the German company of Krupp came forward in selling artillery weapons in particular after the 1880's, and turned out to be the dominant power in the end of the century, while the other German companies dealt in the various other military materials such as rifles, ammunitions, spare parts, wagons, factory workbenches. Levazımat-ı Umumiye Dairesi (General Supplies Department) which functioned as attached to the Harbiye Nezareti (Ministry of War) during the early years of the 20th century was in charge of the supply and distribution of primary materials which were necessary for the provisioning of the army. This department was not only involved in the provisioning and equipment of the army during the WWI, but played an important role in procuring the technical equipment for the setting up and development of military factories as well as establishing connections and cooperation with Germany to this end, through its branches. It is possible to reach many correspondences about these cases in ATESE Archives which is attached to the General Staff. This study aims to provide some examples concerning the activities of the above-mentioned department and military factories and procuring the wartime equipment in particular, based on the primary sources.

From the history of the military past of composer and conductor Boris Galaev

2020 ◽  
pp. 39-44
Author(s):  
Felix S. Kireev
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
Musical Activity ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The First World War ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time ◽  
First World

Boris Alexandrovich Galaev is known as an outstanding composer, folklorist, conductor, educator, musical and public figure. He has a great merit in the development of musical culture in South Ossetia. All the musical activity of B.A. Galaev is studied and analyzed in detail. In most of the biographies of B.A. Galaev about his participation in the First World War, there is only one proposal that he served in the army and was a bandmaster. For the first time in historiography the participation of B.A. Galaev is analyzed, and it is found out what positions he held, what awards he received, in which battles he participated. Based on the identified documentary sources, for the first time in historiography, it occured that B.A. Galaev was an active participant in the First World War on the Caucasian Front. He went on attacks, both on foot and horse formation, was in reconnaissance, maintained communication between units, received military awards. During this period, he did not have time to study his favorite music, since, according to the documents, he was constantly at the front, in the battle formations of the advanced units. He had to forget all this heroic past and tried not to mention it ever after. Therefore, this period of his life was not studied by the researchers of his biography. For writing this work, the author uses the Highest Orders on the Ranks of the Military and the materials of the Russian State Military Historical Archive (RSMHA).

The Russian Red Cross Society and staff replenishment of sisters of mercy on the eve of the First World War (1908–1914)

2020 ◽  
pp. 136-153
Author(s):  
Elizaveta E. Polianskaia ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Red Cross ◽  
World War ◽  
Medical Institutions ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Medical Facilities ◽  
Wide Scale ◽  
Sisters Of Mercy ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Great War ◽  
First World

This article deals with the problem of recruiting sisters of mercy by the Russian Red Cross Society (also RRCS, Red Cross) in 1908-1914s. In case of war, Red Cross had to send sisters of mercy to its own institutions and to medical institutions of the military Department. The war ministry was developing a mobilization plan, which included a plan for the deployment of medical facilities. The ministry sent this plan to the administration of the Red Cross. In accordance with the request of the ministry, the RRCS strengthened its efforts to attract new staff of sisters of mercy. This activity led to certain results. On the eve of the war, there was a number of sisters of mercy that were required to replenish the medical institutions of the Red Cross and the military Department. That means that according to the pre-war plan, in the matter of creating a cadre of sisters of mercy, the RRCS was ready for the war. However, the Great War took on a wide scale, a situation which the army, the industry, and the medical service were not prepared for. The Russian Red Cross Society was forced to quickly open new medical institutions and to urgently train new personnel. Sometimes the duties of nurses were performed by those who did not have the necessary education.

Desertie naar de vijand in het Belgische frontleger tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Deel 2

2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
Jos Monballyu
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
Causal Link ◽  
World War ◽  
Criminal Records ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Military Security ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World ◽  
Front Movement

Over de motieven waarom Belgische militairen tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog naar de Duitse vijand deserteerden is al veel geschreven. Volgens de Franstalige patriottische pers en literatuur van kort na de Eerste Wereldoorlog was die desertie uitsluitend te wijten aan de defaitistische ingesteldheid van de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de talrijke aansporingen waarmee hun vier afgezanten naar de Duitsers (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert en Carlos Van Sante) de Vlaamse soldaten aan het IJzerfront bestookten. De Vlaamse historici probeerden die beschuldiging op allerlei manieren te weerleggen of schoven de verantwoordelijkheid voor die desertie in de schoenen van Antoon Pira en zijn Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond. Geen enkele historicus ging daarbij na wat de deserteurs zelf over hun desertie naar de vijand te vertellen hadden. Dit deden zij nochtans uitvoerig tijdens de verschillende gerechtelijke ondervragingen waaraan zij na de oorlog werden onderworpen wanneer zij konden worden aangehouden. Het feit dat zij daarbij al strafbaar waren van zodra zij wetens en willens deserteerden ongeacht hun eigenlijke motief, liet hen daarbij toe om dit motief vrij complexloos mee te delen. Geen enkele van de overlopers van wie het strafdossier bewaard is, gaf echter toe dat hij omwille van de Vlaamse kwestie was overgelopen. Oorlogsmoeheid en de behoefte om zijn familieleden terug te zien waren, zoals in alle legers, de voornaamste motieven waarom zij naar de vijand deserteerden. Ook de Belgische Militaire Veiligheid en de krijgsauditeurs slaagden er trouwens niet in om een verband te leggen tussen de Vlaamse Frontbeweging en de Belgische deserties naar de vijand.________Desertion to the enemy in the Belgian front army during the First World War (part 2)Much has already been written about the reasons why Belgian soldiers deserted to the German enemy during the First World War. According to the French language patriotic press and literature dating from shortly after the First World War that desertion was exclusively due to the defeatist attitude of the Flemish Front Movement and the many exhortations with which their four representatives to the Germans (Jules Charpentier, Karel De Schaepdrijver, Vital Haesaert and Carlos Van Sante) bombarded the Flemish soldiers at the Yser Front. Flemish historians attempted in a variety of ways to refute that accusation or they shifted the responsibility for the desertion on to Antoon Pira and his Algemeen Vlaamsch Democratische Verbond (General Flemish Democratic Union). Not a single historian investigated what the deserters themselves had to say about their desertion to the enemy. However, the deserters gave extensive explanations during the detailed investigation that took place during the various judicial interrogations, to which they were submitted after the war if it was possible to arrest them. The fact that they were considered to have committed a criminal offence for having knowingly deserted whatever their actual motive, allowed them to communicate this motive without too many complexes. However, none of the defectors whose criminal records have been preserved admitted that he had defected for the sake of the Flemish Question.  As is the case in all armies, the main reasons for desertion to the enemy were war-weariness and the longing to see members of their family. The Belgian Military Security and the military auditors were not able either to establish a causal link between the Flemish Front Movement and the Belgian desertions to the enemy.

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