Women's Organizations and Movements in the Commonwealth Caribbean: The Response to Global Economic Crisis in the 1980s

1998 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhoda Reddock

In this paper I explore the emergence of women's organizations and feminist consciousness in the twentieth century in the English-speaking (Commonwealth) Caribbean. The global ideas concerning women's equality from the 1960s onwards clearly informed the initiatives taken by both women and states of the Caribbean. None the less, the paper illustrates, by use of examples, the interlocked nature of women's struggles with the economic, social and political issues which preoccupy the region's population. I examine in greater detail two case studies of women's activism and mobilization around the impact of structural adjustment policies in the two territories of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. By tracing the connections between and among the organizations and initiatives of women in the region, the paper situates the feminist movement in the English-speaking Caribbean as a continuously evolving one, fusing episodic struggles in different territories, engaging women of different classes and groups, and continuously building on past experience.

1989 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-17
Author(s):  
Maria Nzomo

The 1985 Nairobi Conference to close the United Nations decade dedicated to women of the world caught Kenyan women (and men) by storm. Indeed, the majority of Kenyan women did not know, until the eve of this conference, that there had been an entire decade dedicated to them, and committed to the achievement of Equality, Development, and Peace. However, the Kenyan policy makers and the enlightened among Kenyan women, especially leaders of women's organizations, were not only fully aware of the decade's developments, but had in various ways participated and contributed to it. On its part, the Kenya government by the end of the decade, had adopted a Women in Development (WID) policy position and created and/or promoted national machineries to develop and coordinate programs for women.


Author(s):  
Kristin A. Goss

This chapter considers appearances by women’s organizations at US congressional hearings from 1920 to 2000. By three measures—the number of times women’s groups testified, the number of women’s organizations that appeared, and the breadth of issues to which the groups spoke—these groups’ policy engagement expanded in the four decades after suffrage. Women’s engagement then declined after the second-wave women’s movement of the 1960s and 1970s. The chapter evaluates promising yet ultimately unsatisfying explanations for this inverted-U pattern and then lays out an account centered on public policy’s role. Specifically, federal gender policies provided resources that helped structure and direct the representation of women’s interests. For the first two-thirds of the twentieth century, interests surrounded women’s group rights and civic responsibility; for the last third of the century, the focus was on group rights almost exclusively. This evolution influenced women’s collective voice in American democracy and the range of issues on which women were heard.


2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 612-651
Author(s):  
RADHIKA GOVINDA

AbstractIn this paper I take the women's movement as the site for unpacking some of the strains and tensions involved in practical interpretations of secularism in present-day India. Several sources within and outside the movement point out that there has been a tendency to take the existence of secularism for granted, and that the supposedly secular idioms and symbols used for mobilizing women have been drawn from Hindu religio-cultural sources. Women from Dalit and religious minority communities have felt alienated by this. Hindu nationalists have cleverly appropriated these idioms and symbols to mobilize women as foot soldiers to further religious nationalism. Through a case-study of a grassroots women's NGO working in Uttar Pradesh, I seek to explore how women's organizations may be reshaping their agendas and activism to address this issue. Specifically, I will examine how and why the 2002 Gujarat riots affected the NGO, the ways in which it has started working on the issue of communal harmony and engaging with Muslims since the riots, and the challenges with which it has been confronted as a result of its efforts. In doing so, I will show how the complexities of NGO-based women's activism have become intertwined with the politics of secularism.


Al-Qadha ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Khiyaroh

This articles illustrate the process of maked the Marriage Law Number 1 of 1974 begins with government initiatives to discuss the scope of legislative. Government initiatives did not just emerge, but long before they were submitted to the legislative, the government received many inputs regarding marital regulations. Submission of revisions to the marriage regulations were mostly submitted by women's organizations. The process of the formation of the Marriage Law for approximately seven months, starting from the government submitting the Draft Law to the legislature until all factions declare approval article by article. From 77 Articles to 66 Articles to become legislation. But there are many contradictions when the law will be passed. Especially from the Islamic group namely PPP factions they stated that the articles in it violated many Islamic rules. while the faction of the work actually considers its articles to be appropriate. Namely with the article that has highlighted the position of the wife in the household. Another of the PDI factions who only highlighted the issue of polygamy and the principle of monogamy. After being approved and approved by the government the impact of polygamy and divorce decreases. While the problem of Siri marriage is even more widespread.


Author(s):  
Kevin T. Greene ◽  
Caroline Tornquist ◽  
Robbert Fokkink ◽  
Roy Lindelauf ◽  
V. S. Subrahmanian

AbstractSince the 1960s China and India have engaged in a dispute about the demarcation of their shared border. This territorial dispute led to a brief war in 1962, and recurring flare-ups over the following decades, including during the summer of 2020. The potential for further escalation of this dispute poses significant risks to Indian and Chinese civilians, US foreign policy objectives, and the stability of the international economic system. Despite the importance of this dispute, there have been relatively few attempts to understand the correlates of Chinese incursions. This paper addresses this important question by leveraging past work on the study of conflicts between states to derive a set of testable explanations about the impact of China–India relations, internal political affairs, international political issues, and domestic economic factors on the likelihood of incursions. The study uses 15 years of original data on monthly Chinese incursions into India along with a monthly dataset containing 18 independent variables, to develop a detailed statistical understanding of the factors that trigger Chinese incursions across the Indian border with a lead time between 1 and 6 months. The quantitative study finds that Chinese incursions are more likely when Chinese leadership is early in their tenure, but more likely when Indian leadership is in the later stages of their tenure. The results also show that closer cooperation between India and the US may trigger additional Chinese incursions into India. Finally, lower consumer confidence in the Chinese economy is consistently related to an increased likelihood of incursions. These findings have implications for the maintenance of peace and India’s national security policies. Periods of Chinese uncertainty, particularly when their economy exhibits weakness and when Chinese leaders are in the early stages of their tenure are more likely to experience incursions. Further, the strengthening of the US–Indian alliance, as well as increased conflict between India and Pakistan, create the potential for an elevated risk of incursions. During these periods India should likely be on higher alert, while India and Indian allies should signal the importance of diplomatic solutions for the dispute.


2020 ◽  
pp. 9-56
Author(s):  
Terry L. Birdwhistell ◽  
Deirdre A. Scaggs

This chapter follows the first generation of women to attend UK, including the first women to earn degrees and women’s academic successes generally. It explains the impact of not having women’s housing on campus until the opening of Patterson Hall in 1904. It introduces the first women members of the UK faculty and examines the challenges they faced. The chapter also explores the first efforts by women to create women’s organizations, such as literary societies, women’s intercollegiate athletics, and social activities on the UK campus.


Author(s):  
Rebecca Tuuri

This chapter explores the first three decades of the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW). In 1935, educator, clubwoman, and politician Mary McLeod Bethune founded the NCNW as an organization of black women's organizations to create a united lobbying voice. By utilizing a strategy of broker politics, the NCNW opened up professional opportunities for black women and lobbied for civil rights legislation. NCNW women also enforced strict standards of respectability as they sought such power. While the NCNW claimed to speak on behalf of all black women, a majority of its membership came from black sororities. This college-based membership, as well as the council's focus on black professionalization, meant that many working class women viewed the organization as elitist and uninterested in their concerns. However, beginning in the mid 1950s and continuing through the 1960s, the NCNW became more significantly involved in civil rights and the needs of the poor.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-276
Author(s):  
Nadini Persaud ◽  
Ruby Dagher

This article shares lessons from the field with program evaluations in the English-Speaking Commonwealth Caribbean (ESCC) region. The research highlighted that the challenges faced by evaluators working in the ESCC are quite similar to those experienced by evaluators elsewhere. However, the findings note the impact of the region’s colonial past and the developing–developed nexus on the ESCC people’s sense of pride and their desire to demonstrate the level of their expertise and its equivalence to the expertise associated with people in North America and Europe. These factors seem to contribute to an important undertone for evaluations in the region and for the challenges that evaluators face, including the limited culture of evaluation as well as the availability and quality of data.


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