Anti-Zionism and the Italian Extreme Right

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Chiarini
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Policy Response ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
The Right ◽  
National Alliance ◽  
Over Time

There are few issues that better illustrate the unresolved condition of the Italian right in the postwar period (neo-fascist in identity, democratic from necessity) than that of its stance on Israel, the Jews and Zionism. In the aftermath of the fall of fascism, the right had no difficulty in combining the defence of anti-Jewishness with domestic anti-anti-fascist policies and a foreign policy that was hostile towards the ‘allies’ of 1940–1945. Yet as soon as political competition became oriented around pro- and anti-communism, the right was, over time, driven to play down the recollections of fascism and specifically its antipathy towards Israel, not to mention its anti-Zionism. The exacerbation of the Middle East problem and the right's foreign policy response to it led to a further evolution in its stance, eventually culminating in a definitive end to any ambivalence on the issue with the birth of the ‘National Alliance’. From that point onwards, anti-Zionism found support only in the utterances of neo-Nazi skinheads and the banners of rowdy fans at the ‘northern end’ of football stadia.

scholarly journals Uncharacteristic foreign policy behavior: Sharon’s decision to withdraw from Gaza

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baris Kesgin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Policy Positions ◽  
Temporary Change ◽  
Leadership Trait Analysis ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Over Time

When leaders depart from their long-held, publicly known policy positions, one possible explanation is changes in their personality. This paper inquires about one example: Ariel Sharon’s withdrawal from the Gaza Strip. Middle East observers long believed that Sharon was one of the last Israelis to cede any territory to Palestinians; alas, that became the decision to mark Sharon’s reign as prime minister. The “bulldozer” decided to evacuate the homes he had built. Assuming that Gaza disengagement implied a significant reassessment of Sharon’s previously held policy preferences, this paper asks if Sharon changed. Using leadership trait analysis, the paper develops two profiles of Sharon, before and during his premiership. Sharon is then profiled in three phases during his tenure: first term, second term until the announcement of disengagement, and until the end of his tenure. In making his decision, Sharon temporarily became a complex thinker, yet did not change in his distrust or develop empathy to the Palestinians. The findings suggest that leaders can experience a fundamental but temporary change to implement radically different decisions, and confirm that leaders’ traits are stable over time.

Trends of Turkish foreign policy in the era of the Justice and Development Party and its implications for Turkish-Gulf relations

2019 ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Fahad Mezban Khazar
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Regional Environment ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Gcc Countries ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
Accurate Picture ◽  
Dialogue Circles ◽  
The Right

Turkey sought with the arrival of the Islamic-oriented Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002 to adopt an effective foreign policy based on several principles: the right balance between freedom and security, the problems with neighboring countries, the influence on the internal and external regions of neighboring countries, Multidimensional, and harmonious diplomacy. Turkey has emerged as a regional power and a pivotal player in its regional environment and has sought to develop bilateral relations with countries in the Middle East, including the Middle East, The GCC, which has become one of the important dialogue circles in Turkey's foreign policy.   The aim of the research is to review the principles of the new Turkish foreign policy in the era of the AKP government first, and then to explain the motives for the development of Turkey's relations with the GCC countries and their obstacles. Secondly, the analysis of the economic indicators that give a more accurate picture of the course of Turkish- "Finally," the future of the Turkish-Gulf relations in the light of the geopolitical realities and the developments of the internal and external environment (regional and international).

Hostageship: What can we learn from Mauss?

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 240-256
Author(s):  
Ariel Colonomos
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
Law And Economics ◽  
Social Phenomenon ◽  
Security Issue ◽  
The Gift ◽  
The Right ◽  
Normative Perspective ◽  
Over Time

Hostages have become an important political and security issue in the context of conflicts in the Middle East and in Africa. The work of Marcel Mauss helps us to shed a new light on this phenomenon, which today is portrayed in negative terms as a major violation of fundamental universal rights such as the right to liberty. In The Gift, however, Mauss refers to the granting of hostages as “acts of generosity.” In line with Mauss’ approach, I consider hostageship as a “total social phenomenon,” combining politics, law, and economics, in both domestic and global settings, which reveals structural political and social questions that need to be addressed. The article highlights the role that hostages fulfilled as “gifts” in premodern international relations when hostages were granted and not taken as they are today. I underline the role they notably performed as elements of proto-diplomacy. I show the reasons why the function of hostages has changed over time by underlining the importance of the later Middle Ages as a transitional moment. Finally, I discuss the issue of contemporary hostageship from a normative perspective, arguing along with Mauss, against an interest-based utilitarian vision of hostageship and in favor of a solidarist approach to hostage crises.

scholarly journals Re-Evaluating Megaproject Cost Overruns: Putting Changes Into Perspective

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
Alan Walsh ◽  
Peter Walker
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Built Environment ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Cost Overrun ◽  
Cost Overruns ◽  
Public Benefit ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Right ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
Over Time

The vast sums of money involved in megaprojects, and the perceived lack of public benefit, create controversy. Flyvberg’ s iron law asserts that megaprojects are over budget, over time, under benefits, over and over again (Flyvberg, 2018). More recent research suggests that this focus on cost overruns is based on highly misleading data (Love & Ahiaga-Dagbui, 2017). This research seeks to examine live megaprojects and examine Flyvbjergs theories in practice, through an investigation of current megaprojects in the Middle East. The research provides three case studies for two recently completed and one on-going megaproject, to examine these claims further. The research questions whether the right comparisons are made between the initial offerings and final product, through consultation with professionals. Based on the findings, it is suggested that an increase of over 100% of the Contract price, may not constitute an over-budget megaproject. Professional Cost Consultants in the built environment can provide greater insight into the complexity that adds cost in the transitions from initial to final costs for megaprojects, although the validity of this insight may be reduced by a lack of distance from or overview of the megaproject. This paper investigates some of the familiar sources of megaproject cost overrun and considers the findings of Cost Consultants engaged in monitoring megaprojects in the state of Qatar. Time and Cost considerations are just two of the characteristics evident in megaprojects. This research suggests that reporting of time and cost overruns is frequently based on limited, misunderstood or misreported data, and that in order to provide higher fidelity, such ‘headline claims’ need to be careful considered in the context of the original project scope. This paper recognises that cost is just one element of a megaproject, and that megaprojects warrant more holistic considerations including acknowledgement of other significant characteristics such as their embodiment of large components of risk, political influences, organisational pressures and management complexities.

Inside the Extreme Right

2019 ◽  
pp. 128-156
Author(s):  
Arie W. Kruglanski ◽  
David Webber ◽  
Daniel Koehler
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Research Participants ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over Time

Chapter 7 turns to the interviewees’ phase of membership within the movement. For the majority of the interviewees, membership satisfied their quest for significance, purpose and acceptance. Nonetheless, life on the fringes of society was not all pleasant. Analyses revealed a significant increase over time in hardships experienced by our research participants, specifically, hardships related to the experience of discrimination and physical harm. The chapter explores these experiences in some detail and examines their impact on members’ commitment to the extreme movement. Finally, we examined participation in violence, and whether belief in various ideological ploys of the right-wing narrative (i.e., those that justify violence on moral grounds or denigrate the opposition) augmented individuals’ tendency to participate in violence.

In Quest of a Second Boom

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Gulf Cooperation Council ◽  
East Region ◽  
Personal Motivation ◽  
Policy Measures ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Middle East Region ◽  
Different Parts

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.

Turkey’s foreign policy priorities in the Middle East and Afghanistan

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Marina Shpakovskaya ◽  
Oleg Barnashov ◽  
Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah ◽  
Asadullah Noori ◽  
Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
New Approaches ◽  
East Region ◽  
History Of ◽  
Middle East Region

The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.

The AKP’s Foreign Policy

2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-46
Author(s):  
Kubilay Arin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The West ◽  
Islamic Revival ◽  
Western State ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Over Time

When Turkey’s Justice and Development Part (AKP) came to power in 2002, it brought a new strategy to foreign policy. Some scholars ascribed this reorientation to the rise of neo-Ottomanism, others to Islamization, and yet others to a Middle Easternization of foreign policy. All labels have one element in common: They give weight to Islam and Turkey’s imperial past as soft power assetsin the conduct of foreign policy by rejecting secular Kemalism in the country’s diplomacy. The AKP capitalized on Turgut Özal’s neo-Ottomanist foreign policy and Necmettin Erbakan’s multi-dimensional foreign policy by using Turkey’s pivotal geopolitical location to transform it into a global actor. The ongoing Islamic revival has caused the country’s attempted full westernization to slow down. But the West itself is hardly a monolithic bloc, given its own many internal cultural, linguistic,religious, political, and economic differences. I therefore describe Turkey as a “hybrid,” a modern and developing “semi-western” state, and argue that over time it will become ever more “socially conservative.”

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