Stronger than the state? Football hooliganism, political extremism and the Gay Pride Parades in Serbia

2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (8) ◽  
pp. 1038-1053 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Axboe Nielsen
2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer J. Ratcliff ◽  
Kimberly Gawron
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Paul Gordon Kramer

Millions of people across Turkey protested police violence, state totalitarianism, urban gentrification, and a host of other concerns during the Gezi Park protests in late May 2013. The protests merged with Gay Pride Istanbul and fundamentally changed queer and trans peoples’ relationships with the Turkish public. This chapter establishes “the queer common” as the sexualized lines of flight which destabilise the normal ways queers are governed – a concept for understanding queer resistance against the state. The chapter argues that the state and other institutions manipulate the public to assert one acceptable model of heteronormative belonging. This assemblage (which brings together the police, the family, Sunni Islam, media and other institutions) naturalises Turkish citizenship. The chapter draws on interviews with queer activists to explore queer resistance at Gezi, challenges to ‘normalised’ Turkish identity, and the renegotiation of the state’s production of violence against queer and trans people.


Author(s):  
George Joffé

Since the 1980s Algeria has had to respond to political extremism. In the wake of the ‘Berber Spring’ in 1980, it had to react to the Bou Yali rebellion. Then, in October 1988, countrywide discontent and an organised Islamist movement challenged the single official political party’s claim to embody the legitimacy of the Algerian revolution by leading the struggle for national independence. In late 1991, the Algerian army, fearing that the Islamist movements might win legislative elections, took control. Within a year it faced a complex insurrection in which some groups sought to restore the electoral process and others attempted to replace the state with a caliphate. Algeria’s strategy and tactics in this struggle have evolved from counter insurgency during its 1990s civil war to suppression of ‘residual terrorism’ afterwards. Although this forced the groups concerned into the Sahara and the Sahel, it did not eliminate them, so Algeria has been forced to attempt to influence group behaviour in Northern Mali, despite pressure from the United States and, latterly, France for direct engagement. One approach has been to organise a regional response despite the tensions between Algeria and Morocco over the Western Sahara. However, the Libyan crisis has forced direct Algerian intervention and pushed the country into reluctant engagement with Western paradigms of confronting non-state terrorism and violence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-38
Author(s):  
D.L. Tsybakov ◽  
◽  
M.V. Sokolov ◽  

The problematic aspects of implementing the policy of countering extremism in modern Russia are considered. The authors point out the interconnection between the growth of extremist manifestations and the civil society development state in transitional political regimes. Conditions of interaction between state power and public associations in struggle against political radicalism are generalized and systematized.


Sexualities ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 41-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moon Charania

This article draws on the 26 June 2011 US embassy-sponsored Gay Pride parade in Islamabad, Pakistan alongside popular US visual cultural moments (2008–2012). I use visual culture to reread US intrigue in Pakistani queer subjects through specific images of terrorist/feminized masculinities – images that elucidate the conspicuous shifts in the technologies of power and sexuality in the context of contemporary Pakistani LGBT visibility. I move through popular US representations of Pakistan, Muslim masculinity and US LGBT visibility – all of which attempt to capture homoerotic desire (and dread) in the transnational landscape of sexuality-racial-gender politics and all of which, I argue, are embroiled in US national identity (and ‘security’). My analysis is two-pronged. First, I look closely and critically at the narrative and visual character of the knowledge the US has created around defining Pakistan and Pakistani (sexual) subjects. Second, I demonstrate that in Pakistan queer resistance is often produced and animated from below the state and articulated against US hegemonic practices of visibility and representation.


Simulacra ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-156
Author(s):  
Wisnu Adihartono

Migration is associated with the search for a more permissive environment. By linking Paris as a place of attachment, the author sees that Paris in this case can be indicated as the “home” for Indonesian gays. The feeling of “full gay” is a feeling that they never get when they stay in Indonesia. That is why many Indonesian gays decide to move out of Indonesia in any way regardless of the difficulties they face in the destination country. This paper answer two questions: what do we understand by “Gay-friendly city”? And if we talk about Jakarta, “can Jakarta be categorized as a gay-friendly city”? The author interviewed eight Indonesian gays directly in Paris with the naturalistic paradigm and analyzed with the qualitative research, and what will be found in this paper is the narrative of the eight informants. It can be said that the Indonesian gays who have migrated to Paris do not feel that their lives have been wasted. They do diaspora by going to gay bars and participating in gay pride parades. What they feel is a feeling of freedom to be able to channel their gender and sexual expression, and they found that Paris as a gay-friendly city is a kind of space of resistance.


Author(s):  
Marc Bizer

Focusing on Montaigne’s adaptation of Cicero’s De amicitia within his own essay “On Friendship,” this chapter reveals Montaigne’s complex reception of the “Roman error” of putting friendship before the needs of the state. Drawn to such matters in part by his friendship with Étienne de La Boétie, Montaigne, in effect, disagrees with Cicero over how to react to this error. Cicero (through his Laelius) opts to condemn it, while Montaigne finds in it support for his view of friendship, one that in turn sustains Montaigne’s moderation amid the political extremism of the French Wars of Religion. Montaigne’s rejection of Roman friendship as error on the one hand reflects his questioning of the value of ancient models for understanding the present. On the other hand, however, his characterization of ideal friendship as autotelic and autonomous can also be seen as a tacit acknowledgment that friendship among the elite is inherently political.


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