Indigenous Women's Organizations and the Political Discourses of Indigenous Rights and Gender Equity in Peru

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Oliart
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equity ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Discourses ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Women’S Organizations

“We Thought You Would Be White”: Race and Gender in Fieldwork

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (02) ◽  
pp. 291-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances B. Henderson
Keyword(s):  
Women's Organizations ◽  
White Race ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Dissertation Research ◽  
Returning Home ◽  
And Gender ◽  
First Time ◽  
Women’S Organizations ◽  
English I

After an exhausting 22-hour trip from St. Louis, I landed in Maputo, Mozambique, alone, for the first time in July 2003 to begin my dissertation research on women and women's organizations in Mozambique since democratization. I spent an hour talking to a young man who was returning home (to Maputo) from Brazil. Seeing it as an opportunity to practice my Portuguese with someone who spoke English, I did not realize that an hour had passed and my “welcoming party” still had not arrived. The young man and I switched from Portuguese to English as he began telling me the “cool places to hang out and get a drink” in Maputo. I had no idea who was coming to pick me up as I was armed only with the information that it was my in-country advisor's brother who would be there. As this young man and I were talking someone came up to me and asked, “Are you Frances?” With a sigh of relief, I said yes, and he replied, “I was here all of the time and I did not realize that you were here until I heard you speaking English with this young man. I did not recognize you; we thought you would be white.”

She Who Shall Not Be Named: The Women That Women's Organizations Do (and Do Not) Represent in the Rulemaking Process

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (03) ◽  
pp. 572-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley English
Keyword(s):  
Women Of Color ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Target Population ◽  
Policy Debates ◽  
Sexual Orientations ◽  
Poor Women ◽  
Marginalized Women ◽  
And Gender ◽  
To Receive ◽  
Women’S Organizations

AbstractThough the concept of intersectionality has been in circulation for nearly 30 years and women's organizations have long been criticized for failing to prioritize the concerns of women of color, poor women, and LGBTQ women, more research is needed to determine precisely why women's organizations do and do not discuss those intersectional identities during policy debates. This study analyzes 1,021 comments that women's organizations submitted to rulemakers to test a series of hypotheses about how women's organizations’ references to women's intersectional identities increase or decrease depending on the organization's primary constituency and ideology, the proposed rule's target population, and other features of the policy-making context. Using automated text analysis and a series of models, it shows that women's organizations do discuss intersectionally marginalized women in their comments. However, not all subgroups of women are equally represented during the process. Women's organizations focus on women's sexual orientations and gender identities more than their races, ethnicities, nationalities, or socioeconomic statuses. Intersectionally marginalized women also tend to receive the most attention when commenters are from organizations that are explicitly focused on representing intersectionally marginalized women and when bureaucrats include references to intersectionally marginalized women in their proposed rules.

scholarly journals Agency and Capabilities: Rethinking Zimbabwean Women’s Participation in Politics

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 114
Author(s):  
Gladys Balance
Keyword(s):  
Phenomenological Study ◽  
Critical Mass ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Gender Mainstreaming ◽  
The Political ◽  
Incremental Change ◽  
Awareness Campaigns ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Political Realm ◽  
Women’S Organizations

The paper acknowledges the role of international, Regional and Local instruments towards the social justices system that embraces women’s participation in politics. Despite the inherent nature of the domesticated gender equality policies, Zimbabwean women still lag behind. The country has failed to reach a critical mass from 1980 to 2018. As a phenomenological study, the research adopted a qualitative paradigm to purposively profile the experiences and achievements of women who broke the ‘glass ceilings’ to participate in the masculinized political domain. The sample constituted of selected members of parliament. Importantly the study focused on women’s political lived experiences. Findings revealed that despite making it to the political realm women were faced with a masculinist culture reinforced by internal political cultures and deep seated structures that denies the acceptance of women as capable political leaders. The paper reflected on the country’s political system of incremental change and concluded that even when women have been mainstreamed into politics; men continue to defend and protect their political status quo. Men have denigrating views about women in politics as a result women find themselves playing right into the hands of patriarchal domination. Recognition and manipulation of women’s capabilities and agency were adapted into the study as normative prescriptions; this study recommended the use of these variables to articulate how, individual and collective women’s visibility in the political realm can be enhanced. The study also touches on the significant value of women’s organizations as platforms for sharing political knowledge amongst candidates as well as potential political actors. The said women’s organizations were found to be valuable for the support base they offer through lobbying, advocacy and awareness campaigns for gender sensitive policies and gender mainstreaming into politics. The importance of organizations therefore links women to their political constituencies. Lastly the study recommends attitude changes as a way of embracing female political participation. 

scholarly journals Peace in Colombia is also a women's issue

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 887 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Eugenia Ibarra Melo
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Information Diffusion ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actor ◽  
New Methods ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
The Press ◽  
Women’S Organizations ◽  
The Web

<p>In this article, we show the ambiguous relationship between the Colombian state and civil organizations in an analysis that examines the motives, methods, and form in which women's organizations that have mobilized for peace in Colombia have benefited from the structure of political opportunities during the two-term government terms of democratic security (2002-2010). For this purpose, it was very important to follow the press and the means of information diffusion on the Web by the women's organizations, interviews with leaders, and what accompanied their actions over more than 10 years. The main conclusion drawn from this work is the identification of new methods of leadership that have structured activism around peace and human rights, thus contributing to the emergence of a new political actor and the transformation of the political culture of Colombia.</p>

scholarly journals Mission (Im)possible? Determining Organizational Ideology by Examining Mission Statements

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnes Meinhard ◽  
Stephanie Schwartz ◽  
Femida Handy
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Voluntary Organizations ◽  
Working Paper ◽  
Action Committee ◽  
Gender Neutral ◽  
The Status ◽  
Umbrella Organization ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Women’S Organizations

This paper is part of a larger project investigating the relative roles of ideology and gender composition in determining organizational structure and behavior. The project’s genesis arose from a study by Meinhard and Foster (2003) that found that Canadian women’s voluntary organizations (WVOs) differed from gender-neutral and men’s organizations on many different measures. Women’s organizations were less likely to adopt a business orientation or pursue new revenue strategies, but were more likely to collaborate with other organizations and more likely to downsize. They also tended to be more pessimistic in their outlook and engaged in more advocacy and political action. Meinhard and Foster (2003) also found that among women’s organizations, those that were members of the Canadian National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC), an umbrella organization for feminist groups, were more extreme in their differences. In other words, although both NAC and non-NAC organizations differed significantly from gender-neutral organizations, NAC organizations differed the most. Keywords: CVSS, Centre for Voluntary Sector Studies, Working Paper Series,TRSM, Ted Rogers School of Management Citation:

Conclusion

2019 ◽  
pp. 225-236
Author(s):  
Margaret A. McLaren
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equity ◽  
Fair Trade ◽  
Real Life ◽  
Economic Justice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Grassroots Organizations ◽  
Solidarity Economy ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Fair Trade Organizations

This chapter suggests that we use the broader framework of feminist social justice to analyze oppression and exploitation at the global level. Noting that in real life the ethical and the political overlap, the chapter advocates a dual-track approach to problems of injustice, both individual, immediate aid and long-term systemic changes. Emphasizing the connections between local economic institutions, such as cooperatives and Fair Trade organizations, and transnational projects, such as the solidarity economy, the chapter shows how the local work of the Self-Employed Women’s Association and Marketplace India connect to transnational projects for both economic justice and gender equity. Supporting grassroots organizations engaged in transnational work for gender and economic justice is one route for engaging in transnational feminist solidarity. In terms of methodology, the chapter concludes by suggesting a shift from independence to interdependence, from identity to intersectionality, and from political interest to social and political imagination.

Where Are All the Single Ladies? Marital Status and Women's Organizations’ Rule-making Campaigns

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 581-607
Author(s):  
Ashley English
Keyword(s):  
Marital Status ◽  
Women's Organizations ◽  
Single Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
Adult Women ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
2016 Election ◽  
Married Mothers ◽  
Rule Making ◽  
Women’S Organizations

Leading up to the 2016 election, single women were heralded as the “hot” new constituency. With unmarried women posed to comprise approximately half of the population of adult women and 23% of the electorate (Traister 2016), pundits claimed that the rising number of single women could transform American politics. Building on this recent enthusiasm about single women, this study provides one of the first systematic analyses of how contemporary women's organizations represent single women by analyzing 1,021 comments that women's organizations submitted to rule makers between 2007 and 2013. Using automated text analyses and a series of statistical analyses, it shows that despite the rising numbers of American single women, women's organizations only very rarely explicitly refer to single women during their comment writing campaigns, preferring to highlight the experiences of married mothers instead. Moreover, it shows that the political context unexpectedly has little to no effect on the degree to which women's organizations focus on single women, possibly because they so rarely mention them at all. Altogether, the results suggest that for single women to become politically powerful, they will need more than just large numbers; they may also need niche organizations that can help them organize and articulate their broader policy needs.

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