The Role of King William III of England in the Standing Army Controversy — 1697-1699

1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lois G. Schwoerer

During the years from 1697 through 1699, King William III of England was engaged in a struggle with a radical Whig press and a Tory coalition in the House of Commons over the size of England's standing army in peacetime. Both sides regarded the contest as one of particular importance; for the King there was no issue during his entire reign which involved him more deeply in English domestic politics. The parliamentary debates on the matter were notably stormy. For what was at stake, just ten years after the Glorious Revolution, was the relative power of King and Parliament. For the first time Article VI of the Bill of Rights, that is, that Parliament must consent to an army in peacetime, was applied and tested. The army question has intrinsic importance but can also be seen as part of a broader struggle between King and Parliament for power. Among such questions as Irish land grants, “placemen,” foreign advisers, and the Land Bank, the standing army was the most complex and emotion-filled issue between the House of Commons and William. Although some of the political implications of the standing army controversy have been suggested, historians have not investigated the part played by William. The King's role is worth isolating for it casts fresh light on William's talents in dealing with domestic politics, illustrates the relationship between a King who, at the end of the seventeenth century, still retained power and a House of Commons which increasingly claimed power, and shows that, however disparate the strength of the two sides in the standing army controversy, a genuine contest took place.

Author(s):  
Meredith McNeill Hale

This chapter examines seven of De Hooghe’s eighteen satires on the events surrounding William III’s invasion of England and associated diplomatic and military campaigns. These satires, which were produced between the autumn of 1688 and summer of 1690, followed the events of the Glorious Revolution as they unfolded and represent not only key political-historical events but also the development of De Hooghe’s satirical strategies. William III is featured as the sober and valiant defender of Protestantism against the Catholic kings, James II and Louis XIV, who appear as a darkly comic duo, misguided adherents of a primitive religion committed only to their own aggrandizement. This discussion examines the iconography of the foreign satires, providing detailed interpretive analysis and translation of many of the texts into English for the first time. It will be demonstrated that De Hooghe responded almost immediately to the rapid unfolding of events that constituted the Glorious Revolution, highlighting the need to consider them in terms of the speed with which they were produced and their serial nature. It is often possible to determine the month in which a satire was made and, in certain cases, the timeframe can be narrowed to weeks. This dramatic imbrication in a particular historical moment is characteristic of political satire to this day.


2008 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Bohun

Following the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the East India Company struggled to protect its royal monopoly from the challenges of a group of interlopers who had strong support in the House of Commons. The conflict for control of the East India trade had a great effect on the royal prerogative. Historians have presented differing views on the state of the royal prerogative for this period, and positions have remained polarized along conservative and radical lines. Close examination of the East India trade debate sheds much light on the issue. The debate over trade reveals a process of give and take in the struggle over the royal prerogative, with the King giving up certain rights in exchange for Parliamentary support to prosecute the war in France.


1985 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles D. Tarlton

When we believed that Locke had writtenTwo treatises of governmentto justify the Glorious Revolution, we could say a great deal about his purposes in relation to the events of 1688–89. The book served to interpret those events, to disclose their underlying meaning; philosophy and action were joined in such a manner that both gained lustre from the link. But, now we have generally accepted the view that Locke actually wroteTwo treatisesin the partisan heat of the Exclusion debate, and we have stopped saying very much of anything about the book's relation to William III and the events of the year in which Locke anonymously published it.


Soon after his accession to the English throne William’s two navies started combined operations against the common enemy France. The Nine Years War had broken out, and this was followed after a short interval by the War of the Spanish Succession. Combined naval operations by two allies were nothing uncommon in those days. Anglo- French fleets had fought the Dutch in no fewer than four fierce battles in 1672 and 1673. French and Dutch squadrons had cooperated against the English Navy in 1666, and much earlier in 1596 and 16252727 Anglo- Dutch fleets jointly attacked Spanish ports (1). In these examples cooperation never lasted long nor was it very close. Problems concerning the command structure were seldom satisfactorily solved. Allies regularly changed sides during the 17th century. The Glorious Revolution, however, can be treated as a turning point. England became involved in a generations-long struggle against France. The Dutch Republic under William III had already started to fight Louis XIV’s urge for expansion, more than 15 years earlier. Both countries almost became traditional allies. Right from the beginning in 1689 detailed arrangements were made for naval cooperation, long-standing ones as later developments showed.


Author(s):  
D.H. Robinson

This chapter explores metropolitan and colonial English thinking about England’s place in Europe from the Reformation of the sixteenth century to the Glorious Revolution of 1688, including the emergence of primitive ideas about English hegemony from the pens of Francis Bacon and James Harrington. It also looks at the impact of foreign affairs on England’s domestic politics, including the Civil War and the Restoration. And it shows how the early colonization of North America, from Hakluyt’s narratives to the revolutions in Boston and New York in 1688, via John Winthrop’s Long March and Oliver Cromwell’s Western Design, was conducted in close and conscious union with thinking about the European system and the peace of Christendom.


1999 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-372
Author(s):  
Robert Cornwall

S. L. Ollard's 1926 study of the Church of England's understanding and practice of the rite of confirmation remains the most significant examination of this topic for the eighteenth century. He insisted that eighteenth-century Anglicans took a low view of the rite, contending that the religious consequences of the Glorious Revolution set the tone for Anglican sacramental views. That the church allowed three unconfirmed monarchs (William III and the first two Georges) to receive the Eucharist provided evidence of the neglect of this rite. Louis Weil more recently echoes Ollard's critique, suggesting that after 1660 Anglican writers “virtually ignored the rite.” Weil believes that interest in the rite was limited to Thomas Wilson, the eighteenth-century bishop of Sodor and Man, and a few like-minded members of the “old high church tradition.” Thus, according to most accounts, Anglicans gave little attention to confirmation until the nineteenth century, when the Tractarians supposedly rediscovered the importance of the rite. Ironically, Weil undermines his own position by pointing out that the only “concentrated material” on the rite in the Tracts for the Times was a reprinting of the work on confirmation by the eighteenth-century bishop of Sodor and Mann, Thomas Wilson.


1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-555 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Miller

On 28 January 1689 the house of commons of the newly assembled Convention resolved that King James the Second, having endeavoured to subvert the constitution of this kingdom, by breaking the original contract between king and people, and by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons, having violated the fundamental laws, and having withdrawn himself out of the kingdom, has abdicated the government and that the throne is thereby vacant.


2019 ◽  
pp. 131-147
Author(s):  
William E. Nelson

The Stuart kings, Charles I and James I, had sought to rationalize and centralize power in England’s colonial empire, but the Glorious Revolution put an end to their efforts. The new monarch, William III, had a different objective—to protect Protestantism and defeat the ambitions of France’s king, Louis XIV. As long as colonies supported that objective, William was willing to allow them substantial self-government. As a result, power became localized as juries in some colonies and local judges in others were given control over the law. Pennsylvania was the only colony in which a central court exercised power over a broad geographic area.


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