common enemy
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2022 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Yopane Thiao

Guillén, both in poetry and in journalistic prose. Colonialism therefore presents itself as a common enemy, in stark contradiction to the freedom sustained and sung with the best encouragement by Cuba’s national poet. From this perspective, we will analyze not only the victimization that Black people were subjected to because of slavery, but also their rebellions and their participation in shaping the Cuban national profile.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-164
Author(s):  
Fariha Jabeen ◽  
Asia Saif Alvi

Pakistan and India were in opposing camps during the cold war while Pakistan was in the West camp and India in Soviet camp. (Gillani, 2021) (Ali, 2020). The demise of Soviet Union gave a chance to China to emerge itself as a challenger to the USA superiority. China's growing economy gave a direction to US policy towards the South Asian region and especially focused on India. India was also trying to be a hegemonic power in its region and common enemy of Pakistan and China. The US knew that there was only India in the south Asian region that will be helpful to combat china because Pakistan was already economically tied with china. There was another important point that America was intentionally focusing on Asia because it need allies in Asia like the EU and the Middle East. So it needs an important ally like India that can shelter the interests of the USA.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-262
Author(s):  
Hirshi Anadza Askandar ◽  
Rommel Utungga Pasopati ◽  
Syarifuddin Syarifuddin

After being called the UN's, COVID-19 has become a global common enemy today. The escalation of the pandemic has been responded to nationally, regionally, as well as globally. However, the efforts of the United Nations as the most significant international organization are interpreted differently at the regional and national levels. That way, there will be a gap in understanding between the handling of COVID-19 at the global, regional, and national levels. Therefore, this paper discusses further how the COVID-19 as a common global enemy is reflected in regional and national actions against this pandemic? The global eclectic theory is explored to explain how global concepts relate to more specific concepts. Comparing the COVID-19 handling policies in ASEAN, SAARC, and the EU is needed to deeply explain the differences in handling the outbreak in each region. The result shows that common enemies do not automatically reflect joint regional action. National interest is still challenging to consolidate at the regional, furthermore global level. Moreover, cultural differences between countries cannot be reduced quickly in global matters.  


Pharmateca ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12_2021 ◽  
pp. 26-35
Author(s):  
A.F. Verbovoy Verbovoy ◽  
Yu.A. Dolgikh Dolgikh ◽  

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Austin James Knuppe ◽  
Matthew Nanes

Research on rebel movements associates group fragmentation with infighting, spoiling, and defection as victory against a common enemy nears. In contrast, we show that pro-government militias (PGMs) face unique incentives which lead them to emulate government behavior. When confronting a common enemy, PGMs highlight their value by signaling their comparative advantage vis-a-vis the central government. As victory nears, however, PGMs act to ensure their survival beyond the conflict by emulating the rhetoric and behavior of state security forces. We illustrate these patterns through a case study of the Iraqi coalition against the Islamic State (IS). We collect a large corpus of social media messages from accounts associated with the Iraqi government, the Kurdish Regional Government, and the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), a collection of pro-government militias mobilized to defeat IS. We find that the content of PMF messages shifts as conflict progresses. At the height of the IS threat, PMF messages played to the group's base and emphasized its distinctiveness from government forces. As victory over IS became more likely, PMF messages converged with government messages, increasingly emphasizing professionalism and eschewing sectarianism. This behavior sheds light on the changing incentives and constraints confronting PGMs as conflict processes evolve.


2021 ◽  
Vol 94 (4) ◽  
pp. 683-706
Author(s):  
Barry Sautman

In COVID-19's first months, US politicians and media forecast that a contrast between Chinese deception and incapability and Western success against the pandemic might fatally sink internal confidence in China's party-state. They also predicted that it would diminish China externally, as it came to be seen as endangering the world by spreading biological pollution. A "China's Chernobyl" prediction became the latest "China collapse" wish-fulfillment. This speculation rests on two contradictory yet co-existing Yellow Peril tropes: "deceit and incompetence" and "world domination." However, no empirical basis exists for either notion: China prevailed against the pandemic and lacks the capacity for global hegemony. "China's Chernobyl" is most relevant then as a wish that creates a belief, that China should and could collapse. That in turn bolsters the US-led mobilization to counter China as a "strong competitor" and frames China as the common enemy, thereby promoting Western transnational and US internal cohesion.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Buchan

Although the concept of pirates as hostes humani generis appears to be axiomatic, it is argued in this chapter that piracy elicited more ambiguous responses from philosophers and lawyers in late seventeenth-century Britain. Pirates were merely one among a pantheon of archetypal enemies of good order. By examining references to piracy in the work of the English political philosopher John Locke in particular, it is argued here that pirates vied with tyrants for the title of “common enemy of all humankind.” Locke’s prevarications were mirrored by continuing doubts and legal debates about who the hostis humani generis really was.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-378
Author(s):  
Tati Hartimah ◽  
Setyadi Sulaiman ◽  
Nina Farlina

This study aimed to explore the effectiveness of Pela Gandong in the process of social reconciliation and peacebuilding in Ambon. Using a sociocultural approach, this qualitative research attempted to examine the theory of social reconciliation in the peace-building process between two conflicting groups. The data that had been collected in the form of interviews, FGDs, and documentation sources related to pela gandong were qualitatively analyzed. The results of the research showed that structural segregation becomes a barrier to the process of social reconciliation because some communities and local elites still maintained inter-group beliefs about the existence of a common enemy due to past conflicts. Pela gandong played a role in strengthening social reconciliation amid actor antagonisms that were difficult to subside, factions among local elites that were still strong, and people who were still trapped in past traumas. Based on the spirit of pela gandong, the government and civil society, including educational institutions in Ambon, presented a peaceful atmosphere with various initiatives, starting from the formation of multi-ethnic villages, providing facilities and infrastructure for harmony, strengthening the curriculum for local wisdom "Pela Gandong" and “Pendidikan Orang Basudara” (POB), to strengthening interfaith mediation institutions in Maluku: Baku Bae, Maluku Interfaith Institution, and Maluku Interfaith Institution for Humanitarian Action. All of them were an effort to create a peaceful Ambon, make Maluku a laboratory for peace, a learning medium for other regions in Indonesia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101269022110456
Author(s):  
Minhyeok Tak ◽  
Chang-Hwan Choi ◽  
Michael P Sam

The global expansion of sports betting has resulted in the formation of (inter)national governing regimes aimed at sustaining revenue and regulating attendant issues, including match-fixing. This article explores the workings of these regimes vis-à-vis the management of match-fixing issues in sport. More particularly, this article focuses on betting monitoring programmes as countermeasures against match-fixing and conceptualises these as social instruments that ultimately define issues and influence the wider integrity agenda of anti-match-fixing campaigns. Analysing documentary, observation and interview data from two disparate monitoring programmes, the results show that betting monitoring is a technical extension of corporate risk management, invariably reflecting the business interests of the betting industry. Therefore, the operating logic of betting monitoring defines match-fixing as an act of sabotaging the competitive edge of betting companies. Moreover, this interest-laden paradigm reigns within the broader policy agenda of sport integrity by equating the betting industry's interest with that of sport. From this, the article suggests that betting monitoring plays a part in the legitimation of commercial gambling by reframing the issue of match-fixing as a common enemy that gambling and sport join forces to combat, not a risk that gambling brings to sport.


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-53
Author(s):  
Niranjana Niranjana ◽  
Ren Feng

The worldwide pandemics are the common enemy of all mankind.When faced with the global pandemics, it becomes necessary for all nations to strengthen cooperation.Although India and China are close neighbors in Asia,their media coverage of each other in 2020 was extremely asymmetrical.Nonetheless,this media coverage should be strengthening communication and cooperation.Only in this way can it benefit the people of the two nations and ultimately realize a coprosperity and collaborative development.


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