William III and his two navies

Soon after his accession to the English throne William’s two navies started combined operations against the common enemy France. The Nine Years War had broken out, and this was followed after a short interval by the War of the Spanish Succession. Combined naval operations by two allies were nothing uncommon in those days. Anglo- French fleets had fought the Dutch in no fewer than four fierce battles in 1672 and 1673. French and Dutch squadrons had cooperated against the English Navy in 1666, and much earlier in 1596 and 16252727 Anglo- Dutch fleets jointly attacked Spanish ports (1). In these examples cooperation never lasted long nor was it very close. Problems concerning the command structure were seldom satisfactorily solved. Allies regularly changed sides during the 17th century. The Glorious Revolution, however, can be treated as a turning point. England became involved in a generations-long struggle against France. The Dutch Republic under William III had already started to fight Louis XIV’s urge for expansion, more than 15 years earlier. Both countries almost became traditional allies. Right from the beginning in 1689 detailed arrangements were made for naval cooperation, long-standing ones as later developments showed.

1985 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles D. Tarlton

When we believed that Locke had writtenTwo treatises of governmentto justify the Glorious Revolution, we could say a great deal about his purposes in relation to the events of 1688–89. The book served to interpret those events, to disclose their underlying meaning; philosophy and action were joined in such a manner that both gained lustre from the link. But, now we have generally accepted the view that Locke actually wroteTwo treatisesin the partisan heat of the Exclusion debate, and we have stopped saying very much of anything about the book's relation to William III and the events of the year in which Locke anonymously published it.


1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lois G. Schwoerer

During the years from 1697 through 1699, King William III of England was engaged in a struggle with a radical Whig press and a Tory coalition in the House of Commons over the size of England's standing army in peacetime. Both sides regarded the contest as one of particular importance; for the King there was no issue during his entire reign which involved him more deeply in English domestic politics. The parliamentary debates on the matter were notably stormy. For what was at stake, just ten years after the Glorious Revolution, was the relative power of King and Parliament. For the first time Article VI of the Bill of Rights, that is, that Parliament must consent to an army in peacetime, was applied and tested. The army question has intrinsic importance but can also be seen as part of a broader struggle between King and Parliament for power. Among such questions as Irish land grants, “placemen,” foreign advisers, and the Land Bank, the standing army was the most complex and emotion-filled issue between the House of Commons and William. Although some of the political implications of the standing army controversy have been suggested, historians have not investigated the part played by William. The King's role is worth isolating for it casts fresh light on William's talents in dealing with domestic politics, illustrates the relationship between a King who, at the end of the seventeenth century, still retained power and a House of Commons which increasingly claimed power, and shows that, however disparate the strength of the two sides in the standing army controversy, a genuine contest took place.


1942 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leland H. Carlson

The period of the Civil Wars and the Commonwealth marked a turning point in the development of the English people. With the insight that comes from historical perspective, we can see that the Glorious Revolution of 1688–1689, the accession of a new dynasty in 1714, the American Revolution of 1776, and even the defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo in 1815, were to a considerable degree influenced by the significant events of the period 1640–1660.


During the 17th century, the universities of The Netherlands, and especially that at Leiden, rose to dominate European medical culture. Equipped with an excellent botanical garden and anatomy theatre, established following Italian models in the late 16th century, and with an observatory and chemical laboratory, built in the mid-17th century, Leiden represented the model of the innovative academy. Its clinical course, inaugurated in 1638, was widely seen as a centre of excellence (1). For British observers, furthermore, this status was but one part of the ‘Dutch problem’, the apparently miraculous success of Dutch culture and economy. Natural philosophers joined other analysts in their attention to this issue. William Petty, who had studied medicine in the 1640s at Leiden, Amsterdam and Utrecht, subjected the problem of Dutch supremacy to his new-fangled ‘political anatomy’. While at Leiden he composed both a History of seven months practise in a chymical laboratory and also a Collection of the frugalities of Holland . Among these ‘frugalities’ he listed ‘equall representation; no gentlemen; divines, physicians and soldiers not the greatest m en; all working; toleration ’. He even cited Dutch power to illustrate the political uses of ridicule: noting that the cheese was the symbol of Holland as the Sun was that of Louis XIV, ‘saying that the Holland cheeze should eclipse the Sun as the Moone doth, would have turn’d the King of France into Ridicule, especially if the success had answer’d ’.


Author(s):  
Meredith McNeill Hale

This chapter examines seven of De Hooghe’s eighteen satires on the events surrounding William III’s invasion of England and associated diplomatic and military campaigns. These satires, which were produced between the autumn of 1688 and summer of 1690, followed the events of the Glorious Revolution as they unfolded and represent not only key political-historical events but also the development of De Hooghe’s satirical strategies. William III is featured as the sober and valiant defender of Protestantism against the Catholic kings, James II and Louis XIV, who appear as a darkly comic duo, misguided adherents of a primitive religion committed only to their own aggrandizement. This discussion examines the iconography of the foreign satires, providing detailed interpretive analysis and translation of many of the texts into English for the first time. It will be demonstrated that De Hooghe responded almost immediately to the rapid unfolding of events that constituted the Glorious Revolution, highlighting the need to consider them in terms of the speed with which they were produced and their serial nature. It is often possible to determine the month in which a satire was made and, in certain cases, the timeframe can be narrowed to weeks. This dramatic imbrication in a particular historical moment is characteristic of political satire to this day.


1999 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-372
Author(s):  
Robert Cornwall

S. L. Ollard's 1926 study of the Church of England's understanding and practice of the rite of confirmation remains the most significant examination of this topic for the eighteenth century. He insisted that eighteenth-century Anglicans took a low view of the rite, contending that the religious consequences of the Glorious Revolution set the tone for Anglican sacramental views. That the church allowed three unconfirmed monarchs (William III and the first two Georges) to receive the Eucharist provided evidence of the neglect of this rite. Louis Weil more recently echoes Ollard's critique, suggesting that after 1660 Anglican writers “virtually ignored the rite.” Weil believes that interest in the rite was limited to Thomas Wilson, the eighteenth-century bishop of Sodor and Man, and a few like-minded members of the “old high church tradition.” Thus, according to most accounts, Anglicans gave little attention to confirmation until the nineteenth century, when the Tractarians supposedly rediscovered the importance of the rite. Ironically, Weil undermines his own position by pointing out that the only “concentrated material” on the rite in the Tracts for the Times was a reprinting of the work on confirmation by the eighteenth-century bishop of Sodor and Mann, Thomas Wilson.


2019 ◽  
pp. 131-147
Author(s):  
William E. Nelson

The Stuart kings, Charles I and James I, had sought to rationalize and centralize power in England’s colonial empire, but the Glorious Revolution put an end to their efforts. The new monarch, William III, had a different objective—to protect Protestantism and defeat the ambitions of France’s king, Louis XIV. As long as colonies supported that objective, William was willing to allow them substantial self-government. As a result, power became localized as juries in some colonies and local judges in others were given control over the law. Pennsylvania was the only colony in which a central court exercised power over a broad geographic area.


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