Long-Distance Trade from the Voyages of Discovery to the First World War, 1500–1914

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. Knick Harley
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
World Economy ◽  
World War ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
British America ◽  
African Slaves ◽  
Atlantic Economy ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Cost Of Transportation

The highly integrated world economy at the outbreak of World War I emerged from discoveries and technological change in previous centuries. Territories unknown to the economy of Eurasia offered profitable opportunities if capital and labor could be mobilized to cheaply produce products that could bear the high cost of transportation that prevailed before industrialization. In the 16th century, American monetary metals mined using European technology and local labor, and sold worldwide, had major repercussions, including increasing trade between Europe and Asia. From the mid-17th century, sugar and tobacco in the Americas, developed on the backs of imported African slaves, produced an Atlantic economy that included the mainland colonies of British America. In the 19th century, technological innovation became the main driving force. First, it cheapened textile production in Britain and creating a massive demand for raw cotton. Then technology radically reduced the cost of transportation on both land and sea. Lower transportation costs spurred greater international specialization and, equally importantly, brought frontiers in continental interiors into the world economy. During the later 19th century, commercial and financial institutions arose that supported increased global economic integration.

Da nazionalismo non dominante a nazionalismo dominante: il caso transilvano

2011 ◽  
pp. 37-61
Author(s):  
Stefano Santoro
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
World War ◽  
The 19Th Century

The Rumanian nationalism of Transylvania, which developed during the 19th century to defend the rights of the Rumanian population from the Magyarization policies implemented by Budapest's government, suddenly found itself in a completely different situation at the end of World War I: from non-dominant it had become dominant. As in other areas of postwar Eastern Europe during the 1920s and 1930s,, this transition involved a reversal of the paradigms of reference of the Rumanian nationalists that changed from inclusive and democratic values into an exclusive and fundamentally totalitarian ideology.

Humanitarianism, Development, and Security in the 21st Century: Lessons from the Syrian Refugee Crisis

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 382-386 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nell Gabiam
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Western World ◽  
World War ◽  
Humanitarian Action ◽  
Syrian Refugee Crisis ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The 19Th Century

The term humanitarianism finds its roots in 19th-century Europe and is generally defined as the “impartial, neutral, and independent provision of relief to victims of conflict and natural disasters.” Behind this definition lies a dynamic history. According to political scientists Michael Barnett and Thomas G. Weiss, this history can be divided into three phases. From the 19th century to World War II, humanitarianism was a reaction to the perceived breakdown of society and the emergence of moral ills caused by rapid industrialization within Europe. The era between World War II and the 1990s saw the emergence of many of today's nongovernmental and intergovernmental organizations. These organizations sought to address the suffering caused by World War I and World War II, but also turned their gaze toward the non-Western world, which was in the process of decolonization. The third phase began in the 1990s, after the end of the Cold War, and witnessed an expansion of humanitarianism. One characteristic of this expansion is the increasing prominence of states, regional organizations, and the United Nations in the field of humanitarian action. Their increased prominence has been paralleled by a growing linkage between humanitarian concerns and the issue of state, regional, and global security. Is it possible that, in the 21st century, humanitarianism is entering a new (fourth) phase? And, if so, what role have events in the Middle East played in ushering it in? I seek to answer these questions by focusing on regional consultations that took place between June 2014 and July 2015 in preparation for the first ever World Humanitarian Summit (WHS), scheduled to take place in Istanbul in May 2016.

scholarly journals From Ally to Enemy: the Ottoman Empire in Publicistic Works by Ephraim Deinard

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 77-92
Author(s):  
Esther Zyskina
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
The State ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
World War ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 19Th Century

The paper considers is the transformation of the image of the Ottoman Empire in the publicistic texts by Ephraim Deinard, outstand ing Jewish writer and journalist of the turn of the 19th and 20th centu ries. The research was based on two Deinard’s works, “Atidot Israel” (“The Future of Israel”, 1892) and “Tzion be’ad mi?” (“Zion for Whom?”, 1918), which deal with a variety of topics, including Deinard’s opinion on the Ottoman Empire. In particular, the radical change of his position from the statements in “Atidot Israel” to those in “Tzion be’ad mi?” is observed. Deinard discusses the following three aspects, each case being a vivid example of this controversy: 1. The Ottoman government’s attitude towards Jews and the pros pects of the collaboration of the Jewish community with the government; 2. The economic situation in the Ottoman Empire and its foreign policy; 3. The culture and cultural policy in the Ottoman Empire. Deinard’s interest in Turkey was initially caused by his Zionist views, as the Land of Israel was part of the Ottoman Empire. Later, after World War I and especially after the Balfour Declaration in 1917, the Zionists placed their expectations on Britain, while Turkey, after losing the war and the territory so important for Jews, could no more be praised by Dei nard. In addition, Deinard had lived in the USA for more than 30 years by 1918, and it is merely logical that his publicistic works were aimed against the USA’s enemy in World War I. This shift looks especially interesting when looked at through the context of the history of the Russian Jewish Enlightenment. A very simi lar process occurred in the ideology of the Russian maskilim in the 19th century. Throughout the 19th century, they believed that the Jews should be integrated in the Russian society and viewed the Russian government as their ally. The Russian authorities, correspondingly, tried to assimilate the Jews and to make them an integral part of the society. However, af ter the pogroms of 1880s, the authorities’ attitude towards Jews changed dramatically, and so did that of the maskilim towards the government. Laws regarding Jews were tightened and became openly anti-Semitic, and the maskilim started to criticize the state instead of hoping for col laboration with it. Deinard’s works used for this research date to a later period. More over, the aforementioned events influenced his positive attitude towards the Ottoman Empire: concerning the status of Jews in the both countries, Deinard opposed Turkey to Russia. Eventually, however, Turkey took the same place for Deinard as Russia did for his predecessors, the maskilim. His hopes for collaboration with the state were just as replaced by disap pointment and criticism. To conclude, the above similarity may suggest that the shift in Dein ard’s views might have correlated with the change in the ideology of the Russian maskilim.

The Norwegian Seamen’s Mission in two North Sea ports 1864–1920: A national ‘home’ in an international maritime world

2015 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 811-815
Author(s):  
Virginia Hoel
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
North Sea ◽  
World War ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
Central Hypothesis ◽  
Sea Ports ◽  
The 19Th Century

This study illuminates how the the identity and functioning of the Norwegian Seamen’s Mission was influenced by developing national sentiments in the period from the start of the Mission in 1864, until the aftermath of World War I c. 1920. The central hypothesis that the Mission must be understood within the broader cultural, political and economic context of Norway in the 19th century, was confirmed on the basis of extensive research of the correspondence between the pastors of the Mission working in the field and its headquarters in Bergen, Norway.

Protestant Clergy Debate the Nation's Vocation, 1898–1899

1973 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Winthrop S. Hudson
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
World War I ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
New York Times ◽  
Leadership Role ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
Protestant Clergy ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Church

A review in theNew York Timesobserved that “the church abandoned the Negro in the 19th century and took up Hugh Hefner in the 20th. Churchmen in America have always been followers instead of leaders.” While this wry comment is not entirely true, it has enough truth to keep clergymen from undue selfesteem. It is clear, on the other hand, that churchmen on occasion have been leaders as well as followers. An equally wry comment attributed to Lincoln Steffens provides a clue to the clergy's leadership role. Americans, Steffens remarked, never learned to do wrong knowingly. Whenever they compromised with principle, they had to find a pious justification for it. Clerical leadership was especially prominent in the period prior to World War I, since this was a time when the American public looked to the pulpit for its pious justifications.

scholarly journals Carniolan Savings Bank and Slovenian-German relations in 1908 and 1909

2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nataša Henig Miščič
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Social Life ◽  
World War ◽  
Savings Bank ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The 19Th Century

At the end of the 19th century, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy experienced national polarization. During the last decades before the outbreak of World War I, national contradictions reached great proportions. The culmination of the Slovene–German conflicts in Carniola represented the anti-German riots in Ljubljana in 1908, which led to radical changes in political, economic and social life. Paper presents the importance, which Carniolan Savings Bank had in Slovene territory at the beginning of the 20th century. The article deals specifically with the consequences that Carniolan Savings Bank faced after the events of September 1908, which strongly affected its operations.

A VIEW ON THE HISTORY OF LATVIAN-FRENCH CULTURAL RELATIONS BEFORE WORLD WAR II

Via Latgalica ◽  
2008 ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Kārlis Počs
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
The State ◽  
Cultural Relations ◽  
World War ◽  
Soviet Occupation ◽  
French Culture ◽  
The 19Th Century

Because of the geographic location of the Latvian and the French nations and of different trends in the development of their histories contacts between them were established relatively late. This in turn slowed down the development of their cultural relations. In this development, we can distinguish two stages: before the formation of the Latvian state (from the second half of the 19th century until 1918), and during the Latvian state until the Soviet occupation (1920–1940). The objective of this paper is to determine the place and the role of the Latvian-French cultural relations in the development of the Latvian culture before World War II. For this purpose, archive materials, memoirs, reference materials and available studies were used. For the main part of the research, the retrospective and historico-genetic methods were mostly used. The descriptive method was mainly used for sorting the material before the main analysis. The analysis of the material revealed that the first contacts of the Latvians with French culture were recorded in the second half of the 19th century via fine arts and French literature translated into Latvian. By the end of the century, these relations became more intense, only to decrease again a little in the beginning of the 20th century, especially in the field of translations of the French belles-lettres. The events of 1905 strengthened Latvian political emigration to France. The emigrants became acquainted with French culture directly, and part of them added French culture to their previous knowledge. The outcome of World War I and the revolution in Russia then shaped the ground for the formation of the Latvian state. This dramatically changed the nature and the intensity of the Latvian-French cultural relations. To the early trends in the cooperation, the sphere of education was added, with French schools in Latvia and Latvian students in France. In the sphere of culture, relations in theater, music and arts were established. It should be noted that also an official introduction of the French into Latvian art began at that time. As a matter of fact, such an introduction had already been started by Karlis Huns, Voldemars Matvejs, and Vilhelms Purvitis, who successfully participated in the Paris art exhibitions before the formation of the Latvian state. In the period of the Latvian state, artists would arrange their personal exhibitions in France, and general shows supported by the state would be arranged. The most notable of them were the following: - In 1928, the Latvian Ministry of Education supported the participation of all Latvian artists’ unions in the exhibition dedicated to the 10th anniversary of the state. General shows were organized in Warsaw, Budapest, Copenhagen, Paris, London, etc. (Jaunākās Ziņas, 1928: Nr. 262, 266); - in the summer of 1935, an exhibition of folk art from the Baltic states, including textiles, clothes, paintings, sculptures, and ceramics was opened in Paris; - the largest exhibition of Latvian artists in Paris took place from January 27 to February 28, 1939, with presidents of both states being in charge of its organization. It can be concluded that the Latvian-French cultural relations were an important factor in the development of Latvian culture, especially in the spheres of fine arts and literature until the Soviet occupation.

De nationalisering van de demos. Twee nieuwe bijdragen rond nationalisme in België

2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-77
Author(s):  
Luc Boeva
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
First World War ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Right ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
First World

Natievorming en democratisering zijn onderling verweven processen, die sociale, politieke en culturele conflicten inbedden in een functionele politieke eenheid. Het nationalisme biedt, met zijn referentie aan de soevereiniteit van het volk, potentieel voor de democratisering van een samenleving. De in 2007 verschenen colloquiumbundel Natie en Democratie 1890-1921 (o.r.v. Els Witte, Ginette Kurgan-van Hentenryk, Emiel Lamberts e.a) bestudeert het effect van het democratische verruimingsproces op de Belgische natie-staat tijdens de periode 1890-1921, met als onderzoeksvraag: welke interactie had er plaats tussen natie en democratie? België is vanaf 1830 een goed voorbeeld van actieve natievorming; in het laatste kwart van de 19e eeuw was de burgerlijke natiestaat dan ook stevig gevestigd. Op het einde van de 19e eeuw werd het nationale identiteit nog versterkt door de vlugge economische ontwikkeling, de koloniale expansie en de culturele opleving. Dat gaf echter nauwelijks impulsen aan het democratiseringsproces, omdat de voornaamste krachten van het Belgisch nationalisme gevestigde belangen te verdedigen hadden. De democratische hervormingen kwamen zelden tot stand door de nood aan een verdere nationale integratie en de door de burgerlijke elite geconstrueerde Belgische natie diende tot aan WOI niet tot emancipatorische inspiratiebron. De nationalistische exaltatie na WOI versnelde echter het democratiseringsproces en omgekeerd versterkte de democratisering de nationale gevoelens. Het Vlaams-nationalisme, dat in de colloquiumbundel ook aan bod komt, werd dan weer door het democratiseringsproces versterkt. Gedragen door kleine burgerij, boeren en werkmannen, had het immers alles te winnen met een uitbreiding van het stemrecht, inzonderheid het mannelijk algemeen meervoudig stemrecht in 1894. Ook voor het vanaf dan met de Belgische natie concurrerende Vlaamse nationalisme, vormde WOI een waterscheiding. Tijdens en na de oorlog vond daarbij de strategische en ideologische splitsing plaats, die ondermeer verband houdt met de relatie tussen democratie en nationalisme. Dat we überhaupt aan de hand van de Belgische casus geen algemene conclusies kunnen trekken over de relatie natievorming-democratisering, bewijst overigens het comparatief luik in de colloquiumbundel.De relatie met de gemeenschap, de demos en de (al dan niet) democratische vertegenwoordiging is eveneens een belangrijke constante in de bijdrage over het Vlaams-nationalisme van de Gentse academici Bruno De Wever en Antoon Vrints tot een in 2008 verschenen reader over de politieke ideologieën in Vlaanderen (o.r.v. Luk Sanders en Carl Devos).Een aantal stellingen al dan niet gebaseerd op synthetiserende modellen, zwengelt de discussie aan. Dat betreft ondermeer de zgn. C-fase in de Vlaamse beweging, het onderscheid tussen patriottisme en nationalisme en het ideologisch gehalte van nationalisme.Beide publicaties scherpen in ieder geval de honger aan naar meer comparatief onderzoek op internationale schaal. ________The nationalisation of the demos. Two new contributions about nationalism in BelgiumThe formation of a nation and democratisation are two interconnected processes that mould social, political and cultural conflicts into a functional political entity. Nationalism referring to the sovereignty of the people offers potential for the democratisation of a society. The colloquium collection Natie en Democratie 1890-1921, published in 2007 (Editors: Els Witte, Ginette Kurgan-van Hentenryk, Emiel Lamberts and others) studies the effect of the democratic enlargement process on the Belgian nation-state during the period 1890-1921, with the research focusing on the question: what interaction took place between the nation and democracy? From 1830 onwards Belgium was a good example of the active formation of a nation; in the last quarter of the 19th century the civil nation state had therefore acquired a solid foundation. At the end of the 19th century the national identity was reinforced even more by the speedy economic development, the colonial expansion and cultural revival. However, that hardly provided any boost to the democratisation process, because the most prominent forces of Belgian nationalism were defending vested interests. Democratic reforms were rarely realised because of the lack of more national integration, and the Belgian nation, which had been created by the middle class elite did not provide a source for emancipatory inspiration until the First World War. The nationalist exaltation after the First World War however, speeded up the democratisation process and inversely, the democratisation reinforced the national sentiment.Flemish-nationalism in its turn, which is also dealt with in the colloquium collection, was reinforced by the democratisation process. As it found its supporters among the lower middle classes, farmers and workers, it could only gain from an extension of the right to vote, more in particular the right of universal plural voting for men in 1894. World War I was also a watershed for Flemish-nationalism which from that moment on competed with the Belgian nation. During and after the war a strategic and ideological schism took place, which among other things concerns the relationship between democracy and nationalism. The comparative section in the colloquium collection proves moreover that it is not at all possible to draw general conclusions about the relationship between the formation of a nation and democratisation on the basis of the Belgian case.The relationship with the community, the demos and their representation (whether democratic or not) is also an important constant factor in the contribution about Flemish-nationalism by the Ghent academics Bruno De Wever and Antoon Vrints to a reader published in 2008 about political ideologies in Flanders (Editors: Luk Sanders and Carl Devos).A number of propositions whether or not based on synthesizing models cranks up the discussion. This concerns among other things the so-called C-phase in the Flemish Movement, the distinction between patriotism and nationalism and the ideological content of nationalism.At any rate both publications increase our appetite for more comparative research on an international scale.

scholarly journals Kulturnopolitične in jezikovnopolitične razmere na Slovenskem ob koncu prve svetovne vojne

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (1) ◽  
pp. 205-225
Author(s):  
Miran Štuhec
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
World War ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The World ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Intensive Search

After the World War I two things happened on the patriotic-national field: the interruption of currents, which were for several centuries including the Slovenian cultural and spiritual space in Habsburg monarchy, and unproductive competition of political parties, which was in the time od important questions about cultural and political positioning especially dangerous. The intensive search within the territorially-political provisional arrangement SHS and later Kingdom of SHS was the continuation of pre-war processes; at the same time we can ascertain that the culturally-political dynamics of the 19th Century sharpened significantly. The consequences included many contradictions, not clearly enough defined purposes, calculating and searching for short-term goals.

Operational Art

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Matheny
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Irregular Warfare ◽  
World War ◽  
Operational Level ◽  
Operational Art ◽  
The 19Th Century

The art of warfare is practiced in three levels: the strategic, operational, and tactical. Operational art refers to the military commander’s employment of force in a theater of operations to achieve strategic objectives. Operational art is inextricably linked to the planning and conduct of military campaigns in specific theaters of war, which distinguishes it from tactics and strategy. Strategy and tactics have long been studied and described, but the third level of war, the operational level, began to emerge only in the 19th century as nations began to field ever-larger armies. The maneuver of large armies or multiple armies required commanders to orchestrate large-scale maneuvers in the theater of war. During the Napoleonic Wars the aim of this maneuver was the pursuit of the decisive battle, such as Austerlitz and Waterloo. By World War I, it was clear that single battles could not yield strategic results. The armies were simply too large for single decisive battles to provide political results, and so campaigns designed to arrange a series of battles became necessary. During the interwar years, practitioners and theorists from several countries began to formalize theories of operational art. The roots of modern operational art can be traced back to World War I in which the conduct of operations in three dimensions became necessary. Historians have largely overlooked the operational level of war, but to the extent it has been studied, there is a good deal of debate on when, how, and why operational art developed. Scholarship on operational art generally falls into several categories that include current military theorists, schools of thought on the development of operational art, and campaign studies. Some historians assert that the roots of operational art lay with the development of the Prusso-German school in the 19th century. Other historians emphasize the Soviet interwar theorists as the preeminent authors of the concept. A much smaller number of scholars point to the United States contribution to operational art. In general, the study of operational art may be divided into the various schools of thought on the development of operational art, theory, and practice. Although the origins and practice of operational art have long been linked to large-scale conventional military operations, the advent of irregular warfare since 1945 has sparked a debate about the role of operational art in irregular warfare. Theorists, practitioners, and historians have wrestled with the concept of operational art in small wars and counterinsurgency. This recent interest peaked due to US counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.

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