Competition Integration Strategies and Irregular Wars to Support National Security

The development of irregular warfare and various phenomena of post-modern warfare increasingly make war strategies develop dynamically and adaptively. Strategy is no longer used as a tool to win wars like in the traditional era but is more directed towards how to maintain space security or security. In addition, threats are also growing rapidly and extraordinary in line with the rapid development of science and technology so that the study of strategy itself must also be adaptive and dynamic. This study uses a qualitative approach by using a literature study. The results of the study prove that to deal with this, the government needs to integrate between actors competing in irregular wars to support national security. The government must also take firm and bold steps to make 'peace' with non-state actors.

The Carolinas Campaign

This chapter examines the destructive Carolinas Campaign of 1864–1865 as a strategic culmination of the war by means of the transferal to the eastern theater of hard-war tactics that had long characterized the American Civil War’s western theaters. Infliction of property damage and psychological warfare expanded to wholesale destruction of towns and cities, widespread targeting of White civilians, male and female, summary punishment for irregular warfare, and the liberation of slaves in South Carolina as retribution for that state’s overwhelming and initial decision to secede. Federal commanders and soldiers alike, most from the West, were eager to implement this harder form of warfare in a theater known for a more traditional, limited mode of war making. The use of Black troops was most fully employed in the eastern theater in the Carolinas, much as it had been in the West in the Lower Mississippi Valley. As the war neared its end, the desperate Confederate commander in North Carolina, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, unsuccessfully sought to prevent Maj. Gen. William T. Sherman’s troops from accomplishing destructive warfare, and thus victory, there. Sherman’s conciliatory surrender terms for Johnston’s army, which occurred days after Pres. Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, were rebuffed by angry Republicans in the cabinet, the War Department, and Congress, for whom leniency was now furthest from their minds.

Introduction

Introduces the problem of intercultural combat and how it changes the individual experience of battle. It also defines the partly overlapping categories of asymmetrical, unconventional, or irregular warfare. Intercultural warfare is a clash of mindsets as much as weapons. Intercultural combat defies expectations, and frequently presents a problem in sustaining a winning strategic narrative, since the two sides’ definitions of victory differ. This introduction sets the stage with a brief look at the colonial period and the role of Indians as “unexpected enemies.” In general Americans have always thought about war as likely to be against someone culturally similar. In reality, most American wars have been against cultural “others.”

Bolivar’s Total War

This article proposes introducing the concept of total war into the study of Latin American Independence in the 1810s and 1820s. We argue that total war was not an exclusively North Atlantic phenomenon, but an experience that also manifested itself at the beginning of the nineteenth century in the Spanish Viceroyalty of New Granada. To prove it, we analyze the social militarization caused by the enlightened reforms of the eighteenth century, the impact of political revolution in the Atlantic world and the decisive role of religion in creating an enemy that should be exterminated. The article concludes by pointing out two topics that underline the uniqueness of total war in a region of Latin America: the spatial and temporal unity of different forms of regular and irregular warfare, and the fact that total war was not the consequence of state action, but the starting point for State-building.

Religion, Insurgency, and Counterinsurgency

The academic study of religion and irregular warfare has expanded considerably since the turn of the 21st century—driven by both global events such as 9/11 and empirical studies that find armed rebellions with religious dimensions to be longer, bloodier, and more difficult to resolve than nonreligious conflicts. Most of this research focuses on the religious, usually radical, ideas and practices of insurgent groups. Of particular interest has been the way religion shapes the motivations and means of guerrilla fighters. Less attention has been paid to the role of counterinsurgent armies in irregular, religious wars. Following the U.S.-led invasions in Iraq and Afghanistan, a few initial studies explored how state forces misunderstand or ignore the religious dynamics of armed conflict. A growing body of research since the mid-2010s has pushed further, cataloguing a more varied set of ways counterinsurgent forces account for religion in combat and information operations. Moving forward, studies that look at both sides of the battlefield need to expand their empirical emphases, as well as more directly address a common set of challenges to the broader study of religious violence—how best to conceptualize, measure, and analyze the religious dynamics of war. Future scholarship should also consider research designs that test the causal processes purported to link religion with conflict outcomes and pay increased attention to the interaction between insurgent and counterinsurgent forces.

Memory as experience in times of perpetual violence: the challenge of Saturday Mothers vis-à-vis cultural aphasia

The 1990s saw major developments within the Kurdish movement in Turkey, both politically and militarily. The Turkish state responded with a new repertoire of violence, characterized by irregular warfare methods. This article situates the phenomenon of enforced disappearance, employed by the state as part of its asymmetric strategy, within the broader context of memory space and everyday experience. For this, I follow the trajectory of the sittings of Saturday Mothers as performances, focusing on the case of Cizre. First, the phenomenon of enforced disappearance is situated within the historical background of the Kurdish conflict in the 1990s. Then, the Cizre and Istanbul Saturday Mothers’ sittings are compared in terms of memory making and the politico-symbolic sites they produce scrutinized as memory knots (nœuds de mémoire), tying the past to present and personal to political. Finally, I endorse the introduction of a novel term, cultural aphasia, to broaden and deepen the memory debate. Thus, through a focus on human and social relations, emotions and experiences, forms of state violence are revealed as continuously reproducing specific political subjectivities and struggles in everyday life. Abstract in Kurmanji Bîrewerî wekî tecrubeyek di demên tundiya domdar de: vexwendina meydanê ya Dayikên Şemiyê ya li hemberî afaziyaya çandî Salên 1990an di tevgera Kurdî ya li Tirkiyeyê de hem ji hêla siyasî û hem jî ya leşkerî ve bûn şahidê pêşveçûnên mezin. Dewleta Tirk bi repertuvareke tundî ya nû ku xwedî karaktera rêbazên şerê bêpergal bû bersiv da. Ev gotar, diyardeya kujernediyariyê ku dewletê ew wekî perçeyeke stratejiya xwe ya asîmetrîk bikar dianî, di qadeke firehtir a bîreweriyê de û di çarçoveya tecrubeya jiyana rojane de dinirxîne. Ji bo vê yekê, bi hûrgilîbûna li ser mînaka Cizîrê, ez rewşa roniştinên Dayikên Şemiyê wekî performans dişopînim. A yekem, diyardeya kujernediyariyê di paşxana dîrokî ya pevçûna Kurdan a 1990an de hatiye bicihkirin. Piştre, roniştinên Dayikên Şemiyê yên Cizîr û Stembolê ji hêla çêkirina bîreweriyê ve tên berawirdkirin û cihên siyasî-sembolîk ku ava kirine, ew cih, wekî girêkên bîreweriyê (nœuds de mémoire) ku do bi îro ve û takekesiyê bi siyasetê ve girê dide tên lêkolîn. Herî dawî, ji bo berfirehkirin û hûrgilîkirina nîqaşa bîreweriyê ez bikaranîna termeke nû ya bi navê afaziyaya çandiyê guncan dibînim. Ji ber vê yekê, bi hûrgilîbûneke li ser têkiliyên mirov û civakiyan, hest û tecrubeyan tê dîtin ku şêwazên tundiya dewletê di jiyana rojane de bi awayekî domdarî bi çêkirina kirdewarî û têkoşînên sîyasî yên taybet eşkere dibin. Abstract in Sorani Bîrewerî wek ezmûnêk le katî tundutîjî berdewamda: berengarî daykanî şemme beramber lallî kultûrî Deyey newetekan pêşkewtinî serekî lenaw bizavî kurdî le turkya, lerrûy siyasî û serbaziyewe, be xowe dît. Dewlletî turk be kerestey tazey tundutîjîyewe, ke be mîtodî cengî narrêk denasrêtewe, wellamî dayewe. Em witare dyardey winbûnî zoremlê dexaterrû ke wek beşêk le sitratijî nahawsengîyaney dewlletda û le çwarçêwey firawantirî fezay yadewerî û ezmûnî rojaneda bekarhatuwe. Bo emeş, be sernic xistne ser keysî cezîre, min şwên pêy rêçkey nimayişî danîştnekanî daykanî şemme helldegrim. Yekem , diyardey winbûnî zoremlê dekewête naw paşxanî mêjûyî kêşey kurd le deyey newetekanda. Dwatir, berawirdî nêwan danîştinekanî daykanî şemmey cezîre û estenboll le rûy yadawerîsazî dekat we ew pêge siyasî-sîmboliyaney berhemî dênin wek grêy bîrewerî depişkinêt,(nœudis de mémoire) bestnewey rabirdû be êstawe w kesî be syasîyewe. Le kotayîda, bo firawankirdin û qullkirdnewey dîbeytî yadewerî, pêşkeşkirdnî zaraweyekî nabaw, lallî kelturî, pesend dekem. Bemcore, le rêgey tîşk xistneser peywendîye miroyî û komellayetîyekan, soz û ezmûnekan, şêwekanî tundutîjî dewllet wek dûbare berhemhênanewey berdewamî babetî û xebatî siyasî diyarîkraw le jyanî rojaneda aşkra dekrêt. Abstract in Zazaki Wextê şîdetê bêpeynî de xatira bena tecrube: duştê afazîya kulturkîye de mucadeleyê Mayanê Şemeyî Serranê 1990an de tevgerê kurdan Tirkîya de xeylê averşîyayîşê girsî dîyî, hem hetê sîyasetî ra hem kî hetê leşkerîye ra. Dewleta tirke bi repertuarê şîdetî yo newe cewab da ci, taybetmendîye kî usûlê cengî yê bêserûberî bîyî. Na meqale fenomenê vîndîkerdişanê zoranîyan ke hetê dewlete ra sey parçeyê stratejîya xo ya asîmetrîke xebitnîyayî, ey keno zereyê kontekstê hîrayî yê xatirgeh û tecrubeyanê rojaneyan. Seba naye, ez sey performansî raywanîya roniştişanê Mayanê Şemeyî taqîb kena, tede giranî dana Cizîre ser. Verê, fenomenê vîndîkerdişanê zoranîyan zereyê tarîxê lejê kurdan ê 1990an de ca beno. Dima, roniştişê Mayanê Şemeyî yê Cizîre û Îstanbulî hetê xatirasazîye û nîşangehanê sîyasîyan ra yenê têveronayene ke sey girêyê xatirayan (nœuds de mémoire) etud benê û vîyarteyî bestnenê nikayî, şexsî kî bestnenê sîyasî. Peynîye de, ez wazena termêko newe bidî naskerdene: afazîya kulturkîye. Wina munaqeşeyê xatirayan bibo hîrayêr û xorînêr. Coka giranî dîyena têkilîyanê komel û însanan, hîs û tecrubeyan ser ke tewirê şîdetê dewlete eşkera bibê sey subjektîvîyî û mucadeleyanê cuya rojanî yê sîyasîyanê taybetîyan ê ke timûtim xo zêde kenê.

Contemporary Irregular Warfare: Defense Strategy

Globalization influenced by the development of science and technology has brought the world into the era of industrial revolution 4.0. It led to an unstable and confusing situation, which implies the emergence of VUCA (Volatility, Uncertainty, Complexity, Ambiguity) conditions. VUCA created the term Irregular Warfare as a new form of war, which is defined as a violent struggle between state and non-state actors to gain legitimate influence on the people relevant in the form of terrorist attacks, subversion, and rebellion or separatism. Irregular Warfare in Indonesia is known as a non-military threat, which must be faced by state institutions outside the defense sector as the main element. This study aims to develop a non-military defense strategy in dealing with non-military threats through the collaboration between the ministry of defense with ministries/agencies and local governments as the main elements under the mandate of the defense law. This study used qualitative research methods and phenomenological descriptive-analytical design and supported by relevant theories such as; strategy theory and synergy theory. This study indicates that the synergy of the ministry of defense with the ministries/agencies and local governments is significant in realizing a reliable national defense system.