2. 1861

Author(s):  
Louis P. Masur

“1861” describes the events of that year, which began with the appointment of Jefferson Davis as president of the Confederacy. Following the Confederate bombardment of Fort Sumter, Lincoln called for troops, appointed George McClellan to command Union forces, and imposed a blockade against the South. The first battles were chaotic. Union forces (“Yankees”) benefited from greater manpower and technology; Southerners (“Rebels”) had a stronger military tradition and familiar terrain. Although the war did not begin with the aim of abolishing slavery, the institution played a role in military and diplomatic developments. Abolitionists hoped that Union war aims would transform into a struggle against slavery.

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Donaldson

This article explores the relationship between sport and war in Britain during the South African War, 1899–1902. Through extensive press coverage, as well as a spate of memoirs and novels, the British public was fed a regular diet of war stories and reportage in which athletic endeavour and organized games featured prominently. This contemporary literary material sheds light on the role sport was perceived to have played in the lives and work of the military personnel deployed in South Africa. It also, however, reveals a growing unease over an amateur-military tradition which equated sporting achievement with military prowess.


Author(s):  
N.N. Seregin ◽  
M.A. Demin ◽  
S.S. Matrenin

The article presents the results of a study of iron arrowheads discovered during excavations of objects of the Xianbei time of the Karban-I funerary complex. This site is located on the left bank of the Katun river, 1.7 km north-west of the Kuyus village, in the Chemal region of the Altai Republic. During the excavation of the Great Migration period burials, a collection of 14 iron arrowheads was discovered at this necropolis. As a result of the classification of these items, one group, one category, one section, two departments, five types of products with several options are distinguished. The analysis of the available materials allows us to assert that the three-bladed tiered arrowheads of types 1a, 2a belong to the Xiongnu military tradition and date back to the 2nd — 5th centuries AD. A specimen with equalsized layers of type 3a can be an early «transitional» to the South Siberian tradition. Iron arrowheads with a geometric feather of asymmetric-rhombic (type 4a) and rhombic (type 5 a) forms without support existed during the Xianbei-Rouran period (2nd — 5th centuries AD).


2020 ◽  
pp. 283-312
Author(s):  
William L. Barney

A month of anxious waiting came to an end in early April 1861 when Lincoln’s decision to send a relief expedition to Fort Sumter shattered an uneasy peace between the Union and the Confederacy and precipitated war and the last phase of secession. Just after delivering his Inaugural Address on March 4, 1861, in which he denounced secession as anarchy and pledged to hold federal properties as yet unseized in the South but not to initiate hostilities against the seceded states, Lincoln learned from Major Anderson that Fort Sumter would run out of supplies in about forty days. Whether to resupply the fort or order its evacuation was the defining issue of his first month in office. Against the advice of Republican conservatives led by William H. Seward, who were convinced that Southerners would voluntarily choose to reenter the Union in a matter of months if Lincoln refrained from any act that could touch off a war, Lincoln finally ordered a relief expedition but stipulated that no troops or ammunition would be sent in unless the Confederacy fired upon the expedition or the fort. On the orders of Jefferson Davis, Confederate artillery opened fire on the morning of April 12. On learning of the fort’s surrender, Lincoln called on all the states for militia troops to put down what he defined as a rebellion. Southerners viewed his troop call as a declaration of war to invade their homeland and end slavery. Virginia, Tennessee, Arkansas, and North Carolina in the Upper South quickly seceded, but the border slave states, a key to future Union offensive operations, held firm in the Union.


2020 ◽  
pp. 165-191
Author(s):  
William L. Barney

Congressional efforts to quell secession through a sectional compromise collapsed in December. As Northerners debated ways to deal with secession, President James Buchanan, a Democrat who had long sympathized with Southern grievances, lost credibility on both sides when he declared secession to be an unconstitutional act that he was powerless to put down. Following the departure of House members from the Lower South and South Carolina’s secession on December 20, a Senate committee proposed the Crittenden Compromise, a package of constitutional amendments guaranteeing the protection of slavery, including the recognition of slavery in all present and future territories south of the Missouri Compromise line of 36° 30'. Lincoln emphatically rejected the territorial feature on the expansion of slavery, and the Republicans backed him by scuttling the compromise. At the same time, the governors in the Lower South denounced the surprise move by Major Robert Anderson of his federal garrison from the vulnerable Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter in the Charleston harbor as a hostile act portending a new aggressive federal policy against secession. In what amounted to de facto secession, the governors ordered the seizure of federal forts and possessions in their states. War over Fort Sumter was averted when Buchanan and the South Carolina governor agreed to maintain the status quo in the wake of the firing on a poorly planned relief effort to resupply the fort.


Author(s):  
Berry Craig

From the onset of the secession crisis, the pro-Confederate press misjudged sentiment in Kentucky. By championing a sovereignty convention that they believed would lead to secession, the rebel editors and publishers claimed to be speaking for most citizens. But a majority of Kentuckians never embraced disunion. After the war began, the rebel papers blamed the conflict on Lincoln and clamored more loudly for secession. The editors and publishers figured that in a shooting war between North and South, Kentucky would naturally side with the South. They were wrong again. The state legislature opted for neutrality, a position embraced by nearly every Kentuckian. The rebel papers condemned neutrality as cowardly and foolish. They also stepped up their central argument for secession—that slavery and white supremacy were doomed if the state stayed in the Union. All the while, the Confederate press continued to look toward the August state elections, which it expected—or hoped—would result in a pro-secession legislature.


Author(s):  
Adam I. P. Smith

This chapter explains how the firing on Fort Sumter resolved Northerners’ dilemma about how to respond to secession. Many in the North felt a profound sense of betrayal, having tried until the last moment to believe in the good faith of the South. Nonetheless the war quickly generated a new set of tensions within the North about whether the Republican administration was abusing its power to force through revolutionary change that went far beyond what was needed to suppress the rebellion.


Author(s):  
Michael D. Robinson

This chapter tracks the course of the Border South during a critical interval in the secession crisis when war breaks out between the United States and the Confederacy. Without a compromise in hand at the end of the Thirty-Sixth Congress’s session, John J. Crittenden and other Border South Unionists called a Border State Convention with the goal of keeping hopes for a settlement alive. This plan was dashed with the outbreak of war at Fort Sumter in April 1861. With the beginning of war Border South Unionists had to change their strategy. From this point forward, Crittenden and his allies try to frame the war as an effort to rebuild the Union, not an attack on slavery. Many white border southerners adopted a neutral attitude during this period, and in many cases frustrated secessionists in the Border South decided to leave the region and offer their services to the Confederacy. This chapter also illustrates how political tensions spilled over into violence in the Border South, as Baltimore and Saint Louis endured large-scale riots in response to the presence of federal troops.


1962 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernard Cosman
Keyword(s):  

2000 ◽  
Vol 179 ◽  
pp. 201-204
Author(s):  
Vojtech Rušin ◽  
Milan Minarovjech ◽  
Milan Rybanský

AbstractLong-term cyclic variations in the distribution of prominences and intensities of green (530.3 nm) and red (637.4 nm) coronal emission lines over solar cycles 18–23 are presented. Polar prominence branches will reach the poles at different epochs in cycle 23: the north branch at the beginning in 2002 and the south branch a year later (2003), respectively. The local maxima of intensities in the green line show both poleward- and equatorward-migrating branches. The poleward branches will reach the poles around cycle maxima like prominences, while the equatorward branches show a duration of 18 years and will end in cycle minima (2007). The red corona shows mostly equatorward branches. The possibility that these branches begin to develop at high latitudes in the preceding cycles cannot be excluded.


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