6. BRICS as the recognition of states, not societies

2016 ◽  
pp. 82-102
Author(s):  
Andrew F. Cooper
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
Global System ◽  
Societal Issues ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Global Affairs

The BRICS, at its core, is a state-centric project. The emphasis is on the assertion—and granting—of a heightened degree of recognition within the global system. The motivations combine the symbolic elements, such as the aspirations for an enhanced status, and the instrumental, with respect to gaining additional policy leverage in global affairs. ‘BRICS as the recognition of states, not societies’ explains how societal issues are now being discussed at BRICS summits, but despite the formation of think tanks and trade unions, clear tensions persist between official BRICS cooperation at the governmental level and non-state actors.

The "Third" United Nations

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatiana Carayannis ◽  
Thomas G. Weiss
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
Epistemic Communities ◽  
Staff Members ◽  
For Profit ◽  
The Third ◽  
System P ◽  
The Media ◽  
Knowledge Brokers ◽  
State Actors

This book is about the Third UN: the ecology of supportive non-state actors—intellectuals, scholars, consultants, think tanks, NGOs, the for-profit private sector, and the media—that interacts with the intergovernmental machinery of the First UN (member states) and the Second UN (staff members of international secretariats) to formulate and refine ideas and decision-making at key junctures in policy processes. Some advocate for particular ideas, others help analyze or operationalize their testing and implementation; many thus help the UN “think.” While think tanks, knowledge brokers, and epistemic communities are phenomena that have entered both the academic and policy lexicons, their intellectual role remains marginal to analyses of such intergovernmental organizations as the United Nations. The Third UN in this volume connotes those working toward knowledge and normative advances for the realization of the values underlying the UN Charter; the book does not discuss armed belligerents and criminals, the main focus of previous analyses of non-state actors and the UN system.

scholarly journals Decentralized Cyberattack Attribution

AJIL Unbound ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 113 ◽  
pp. 213-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristen E. Eichensehr
Keyword(s):  
Current System ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
Start Up ◽  
State Actors

Attribution of state-sponsored cyberattacks can be difficult, but the significant uptick in attributions in recent years shows that attribution is far from impossible. After several years of only sporadic attributions, Western governments in 2017 began attributing cyberattacks to other governments more frequently and in a more coordinated fashion. But nongovernment actors have more consistently attributed harmful cyber activity to state actors. Although not without risks, these nongovernmental attributions play an important role in the cybersecurity ecosystem. They are often faster and more detailed than governmental attributions, and they fill gaps where governments choose not to attribute. Companies and think tanks have recently proposed centralizing attribution of state-sponsored cyberattacks in a new international entity. Such an institution would require significant start-up time and resources to establish efficacy and credibility. In the meantime, the current system of public-private attributions, decentralized and messy though it is, has some underappreciated virtues—ones that counsel in favor of preserving some multiplicity of attributors even alongside any future attribution entity.

scholarly journals Enrolling Non-State Actors to Improve Compliance with Minimum Employment Standards

2011 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 117-140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tess Hardy
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Improve Compliance ◽  
Employment Standards ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Enforcement Mechanisms

While the extent of employer non-compliance with minimum employment standards has yet to be decisively determined in Australia, there is evidence to suggest that it is both prevalent and persistent. This article draws on the scholarship emerging from the regulatory studies field to explore the underlying impulses and issues that may have led to this compliance gap. It considers how a more pluralistic and decentred understanding of regulation may improve compliance. This understanding is then applied to examine the various ways in which the federal labour inspectorate — the Fair Work Ombudsman — has sought to supplement and strengthen its existing compliance and enforcement mechanisms by harnessing or ‘enrolling’ non-state stakeholders, such as employer associations, trade unions, top-level firms and key individuals.

scholarly journals Ahead to the Past? Responsibility to Protect and the Global System

2018 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Carlo Focarelli
Keyword(s):  
Lower Cost ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Effective Protection ◽  
Global System ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Modern Day Slavery

The Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) is premised on the idea that States protect their peoples in return for obedience. Effective protection, however, is dependent on States having enough power to make themselves obeyed by transgressors. Such power is limited at a time where freedom and rights prevail as catchwords, but where ʿdutyʾ and ʿresponsibilityʾ are shunned. Citizens of a State performing badly on RtoP standards may want to substitute their failing state with non-state actors believed to offer adequate protection, promising maximum freedom at a lower cost. This, however, will amount to modern-day slavery. As such, if the RtoP doctrine is to have meaning in the future, it must be accompanied by responsible States, which in turn are comprised of responsible peoples.

scholarly journals An Overview of the Conflict in Syria

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Hani Albasoos
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Global System ◽  
The Us ◽  
Security Control ◽  
Popular Movement ◽  
International Systems ◽  
The Revolution

In Syria, there is not expected to break out of the revolution of this magnitude. Most people of Syria before others did not expect that the revolution breaks out originally because the regime governs Syria in an oppressive security manner. The regime controls the situation that making it difficult of any popular movement. Political life is not existent in the country. There are no civil society organizations and trade unions are not real and not real parties or political groupings, making it difficult with the outbreak of the revolution in the country in such a dictatorship, security control, which controls everything in people's lives. So Syria was apparently outside the US and global thinking. It has been stated by some officials in America and has had their expectations outbreak of the revolution in Syria minimal because the global system was not ready to abandon the Assad regime because the regime is better for them. However, the revolution in Syria broke out, caught and swept across the country, confusing international systems that were not planning to substitute for the Syrian regime. The Syrian regime is no doubt that one of the major hubs in the region.

scholarly journals People Power:  The Everyday Politics of Democratic Resistance in  Burma and the Philippines

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nicholas Henry
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Indigenous Groups ◽  
Political Relationships ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
State Actors

<p>How do Community Based Organisations (CBOs) in Burma and the Philippines participate in the construction of political legitimacy through their engagement in local and international politics? What can this tell us about the agency of non-state actors in international relations? This thesis explores the practices of non-state actors engaged in political resistance in Burma and the Philippines. The everyday dynamics of political legitimacy are examined in relation to popular consent, political violence, and the influence of international actors and norms. The empirical research in this thesis is based on a grounded theory analysis of in-depth semi-structured interviews with a wide cross-section of spokespeople and activists of opposition groups from Burma, and with spokespeople of opposition groups in the Philippines. The research covers community-based organisations with broad memberships, including women’s organisations, student and youth groups, ethnic minority and indigenous groups, and trade unions. The thesis demonstrates that CBOs exercise a range of tactics in forming political relationships in local and international contexts, and emphasises the role of learning processes in the interaction of local and international norms in the course of political change.</p>

The Concept of “Greater China”: Themes, Variations and Reservations

1993 ◽  
Vol 136 ◽  
pp. 660-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harry Harding
Keyword(s):  
New World ◽  
World Order ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
New World Order ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Clash Of Civilizations ◽  
Greater China ◽  
End Of History ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Global Affairs

The world is suddenly talking about the emergence of “Greater China.” The term has appeared in the headlines of major newspapers and magazines, has been the topic of conferences sponsored by prominent think-tanks, and is now the theme of a special issue of the world's leading journal of Chinese affairs. It thus joins other phrases – “the new world order,” “the end of history,” “the Pacific Century” and the “clash of civilizations” – as part of the trendiest vocabulary used in discussions of contemporary global affairs.

The “Third” UN

2021 ◽  
pp. 14-40
Author(s):  
Tatiana Carayannis ◽  
Thomas G. Weiss
Keyword(s):  
Policy Process ◽  
Basic Research ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
Evidence Based ◽  
The Third ◽  
International Ngos ◽  
Knowledge Brokers ◽  
State Actors ◽  
User Friendly ◽  
Selection Of

The chapter explains the selection of and concentration on the main knowledge brokers in the Third UN. It explores the growth in numbers of the two major types of non-state actors that are the easiest to count, international NGOs and TNCs, as well as their dynamics within the UN system. The widespread push, including within IGOs, for evidence-based policymaking has created a further demand for think tanks and research that translate applied and basic research into accessible and user-friendly materials. It is impossible to appreciate the nature of the policy process without understanding the “whole” UN—First, Second, and Third.

scholarly journals Editorial: Why No Borders?

Refuge ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bridget Anderson ◽  
Nandita Sharma ◽  
Cynthia Wright
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Undocumented Workers ◽  
Global System ◽  
The Commons ◽  
Political Project

This editorial article argues for No Borders as a practical political project. We first critically examine borders as ideological, generating and reinforcing inequality. We consider some responses to injustices produced by borders: the call for “human rights”; attempts to make immigration controls more “humanitarian”; and trade unions’ organizing and campaigning with undocumented workers. Recognizing the important contributions of some of these responses, we argue that nevertheless they have often been limited because they do not question sovereignty, the territorializing of people’s subjectivities, and nationalism. No Borders politics rejects notions of citizenship and statehood, and clarifies the centrality of borders to capitalism. We argue that No Borders is a necessary part of a global system of common rights and contemporary struggle for the commons. The article concludes by highlighting the main themes of the papers that make up the Special Issue, a number of which explore practical instances of the instantiation of No Borders politics.

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