7. The Bible and its critics

2021 ◽  
pp. 77-89
Author(s):  
John Riches

‘The Bible and its critics’ explores critical readings, mainly from the Reformation and the Enlightenment, which had radical effects on how the Bible was perceived. For Martin Luther, the Bible speaks about the liberation of men and women from the threat of God’s law and punishment. Thus, the Reformation sought to emancipate men and women from their bondage to the medieval church. To do so, it used the methods of the Renaissance to subject traditional readings of the biblical text to closer scrutiny. Meanwhile, the Enlightenment period saw the rise of the empirical sciences and of rationalist and empiricist philosophies which sought to base human knowledge and the conduct of human affairs on the unaided efforts of human reason. The Deists, in particular, pointed to the existence of inconsistencies and contradictions within the Bible. Out of this emerged a rich tradition of critical scholarship which sought historically to reconstruct the life of Jesus.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Kirsten Macfarlane

The introduction begins by outlining how Broughton’s modern reputation as an angry puritan was created over two centuries by a series of historians with various confessional motivations. Next, it analyses Broughton’s early life as a promising scholar at Cambridge, and explains key issues such as how his beliefs about scripture affected his attitudes to the Hebrew and Greek texts of the Bible. Finally, it summarizes the three major interventions of this book. The first concerns the relationship between scholars’ beliefs about scripture and the methods they used to study it. Broughton shows that it was possible to be an innovative exponent of the historical-philological method, while also believing that the Bible was infallible and verbally inspired; and that these positions could be mutually reinforcing. But while scholars like Broughton have generally been used as proof of the ‘unintended consequences’ theory of change from the Reformation to the Enlightenment, the introduction uses him to critique this theory. The second intervention concerns the relationship between confessional identity and historical scholarship, building on recent works that have emphasized the impossibility of theologically ‘neutral’ scholarship in this period by extending their findings into new areas such as chronology. Lastly, the third intervention concerns the relationship between elite neo-Latin biblical scholarship and vernacular lay religious culture in this period. It argues that biblical scholarship, even of the most demanding kind, deeply appealed to ordinary readers of scripture, and posits Broughton as a pioneer in the field of accessible, vernacular-oriented— but still highly scholarly—biblical criticism.


1889 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 185-204
Author(s):  
Frank Hugh Foster

The problems of anthropology depend for their solution in an unusually large degree upon psychology. While the evangelical church looks to the Bible for the materials of its theology, it still depends upon the use of human reason in the interpretation and adjustment of the materials there presented. Especially is this true in the matter of conversion and related doctrines. The language of the Bible is general, rhetorical, theological, practical, or popular, as you may choose to call it, but not strict, philosophical, theoretical, or scientific. The ultimate facts of the doctrine may be perfectly clear to the biblical student, but the adjustment of those facts in a dogmatic system will depend largely upon his ability as a thinker to see in the facts what the biblical writers have not thought fit to utter in express terms, and this upon his mental equipment for his task, or, in other words, upon his knowledge of the constitution and operations of the human mind, within which the process of conversion goes on. The history of Melancthon's “synergism” brings this peculiarity of the subject before us in a very interesting way, for clearer ideas as to the nature of the soul went, in his case, hand in hand with the alterations of the theological system; and thus his efforts to arrive at a statement of the process of conversion which should be at once true to the Scriptures and to the consciousness and the moral necessities of man, are not only interesting as the mental history of a great mind, but throw light upon the interrelations of anthropology and psychology, give us many suggestions as to the interpretation to be put upon the Reformation theology at the present day, and may serve to reveal the lines upon which all progress in respect to these questions is to be sought.


1975 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Wright

“Are we to permit none but louts and boors to rule when we can do better than that.” With these words, Martin Luther challenged the politicians of his day to educate the young, for, he wrote, it is pleasing to God that princes, lords and councilmen and others in authority be educated and qualified to perform the functions of their offices. It was necessary for those in authority to educate the young, because many parents would not do it, others were incompetent to do so, others did not have the time, and that was not to mention orphans.One of those politicians who responded to Luther's challenge was Philip the Magnanimous of Hesse. In the years 1526 to 1537, Philip organized a territorial system of public education consisting of state Latin grammar schools and a university.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (33) ◽  
pp. 71-81
Author(s):  
Fanika Krajnc-Vrečko

The discussion sheds light on the conception or understanding of the national language of two prominent personalities of the 16th-century Reformation: the German reformer Martin Luther and the Slovene Protestant and most important reformer Primož Trubar. For both authors, language serves as a basic tool for preaching the gospel in their mother tongues. They accomplish this by translating the Bible, and they each in their own way justify the use of the mother tongue as the means through which the Spirit of God is embodied. Both Luther and Trubar consolidate the biblical text in early modern European languages: Luther in the New High German and Trubar in the Slovene language, which had not appeared in books until the publication of his printed texts. Both authors developed their own language programme that can be compared and from which both Protestants’ view on language can be discerned, which was based on the realization that God used languages when he wanted the gospel to spread among all people.


Author(s):  
Eric Leland Saak

When Martin Luther entered the Order of Hermits of St. Augustine in July of 1505, he entered a world that had been shaped by the diverse and varied monastic culture of the later Middle Ages. Luther became a new man in Christ by donning his monastic habit and very quickly rose to positions of responsibility within the order, first as a doctor of theology and then as district vicar. As professor of the Bible at Wittenberg, Luther was also the pastor of the parish church and, in this context, initiated a pastoral concern with the practice and theology of indulgences that was to set off what has become known as the Reformation. His critique was that of a late medieval Augustinian Hermit. Yet Luther had not been inculcated with the theological or spiritual traditions of his order. Consequently, his early theological development was conditioned by the Franciscan tradition (e.g., Ockham) more than by the Augustinian, even as he eagerly studied the works of Augustine himself. Nevertheless, when Luther came into conflict with the papacy, he remained an obedient friar. The origins of his Reformation, therefore, must be analyzed in the context of his monastic life and the monastic culture of his world. Unfortunately, scholarship has devoted little attention to the monastic world Luther entered. While there has been much debate for over a century over the extent to which Luther inherited his Augustinian theology from members of his order, the order as such has receded into the background, with the focus being on abstract theological positions. Further research on Luther and the late medieval monastic world has the opportunity to shed new light on the development of Luther’s theology, going beyond the debate over continuity. When Luther stood before Emperor Charles V at Worms in 1521, he did so as Brother Martin Luther, a faithful, obedient, observant Augustinian Hermit. He remained such even as he published his harsh critique of the compulsory nature of monastic vows, while he nevertheless still gave validity to living the monastic life, providing one did so freely. He broke from his monastic past only in 1524 when he finally took off his habit and then, less than a year later, married Katharina von Bora. With Luther’s marriage to Katie, he put his monastic life behind him. To understand Luther’s early development, therefore, we cannot rely on his own later reflections but must return to analyze anew the historical context of that development, and that context was his monastic life and the culture of late medieval monasticism.


1993 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 185-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Cameron

Two themes which figure repeatedly in the history of the Western Church are the contrasting ones of tradition and renewal. To emphasize tradition, or continuity, is to stress the divine element in the continuous collective teaching and witness of the Church. To call periodically for renewal and reform is to acknowledge that any institution composed of people will, with time, lose its pristine vigour or deviate from its original purpose. At certain periods in church history the tension between these two themes has broken out into open conflict, as happened with such dramatic results in the Reformation of the sixteenth century. The Protestant Reformers seem to present one of the most extreme cases where the desire for renewal triumphed over the instinct to preserve continuity of witness. A fundamentally novel analysis of the process by which human souls were saved was formulated by Martin Luther in the course of debate, and soon adopted or reinvented by others. This analysis was then used as a touchstone against which to test and to attack the most prominent features of contemporary teaching, worship, and church polity. In so far as any appeal was made to Christian antiquity, it was to the scriptural texts and to the early Fathers; though even the latter could be selected and criticized if they deviated from the primary articles of faith. There was, then, no reason why any of the Reformers should have sought to justify their actions by reference to any forbears or ‘forerunners’ in the Middle Ages, whether real or spurious. On the contrary, Martin Luther’s instinctive response towards those condemned by the medieval Church as heretics was to echo the conventional and prejudiced hostility felt by the religious intelligentsia towards those outside their pale.


Author(s):  
Kenneth Austin

This chapter talks about identity as the heart of a fundamental issue associated with the Reformation. It recounts how the Protestants of Geneva and Rouen forced biblical names on children being baptized in order to make a bold and public statement of their intention to distance themselves from Catholicism. It explains how the use of names associated with the New and Old Testament not only embody the Protestants' great enthusiasm for the Bible, but how they also encouraged an identification specifically with the people of Israel. The chapter looks at John Calvin, who was a generation younger than Martin Luther and leader of the two largest movements associated with the Reformation. It compares Calvin and Luther's attitudes towards the Jews, in which Calvin has generally been considered the more sympathetic since he did not write anything that was as substantial and vicious as Luther's text.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-145
Author(s):  
Thomas Fulton

Abstract Vernacular Bibles and biblical texts were among the most circulated and most read books in late medieval and early modern Europe, both in manuscript and print. Vernacular scripture circulated throughout Europe in different ways and to different extents before and after the Reformation. In spite of the differences in language, centers of publication, and confessional orientation, there was nonetheless considerable collaboration and common ground. This collection of essays explores the readership of Dutch, English, French, and Italian biblical and devotional texts, focusing in particular on the relationships between the texts and paratexts of biblical texts, the records of ownership, and the marks and annotations of biblical readers. Evidence from early modern biblical texts and their users of all sorts – scholars, clerics, priests, laborers, artisans, and anonymous men and women, Protestant and Catholic – sheds light on how owners and readers used the biblical text.


Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 589
Author(s):  
Andrei Constantin Sălăvăstru

The Bible had been a fundamental source of legitimacy for the French monarchy, with biblical imagery wielded as a powerful propaganda weapon in the ideological warfare which the kings of France often had to wage. All Christian monarchies tried to build around themselves a sacral aura, but the French kings had soon set themselves apart: they were the “most Christian”, anointed with holy oil brought from heaven, endowed with the power of healing, and the eldest sons of the Church. Biblical text was called upon to support this image of the monarchy, as the kings of France were depicted as following in the footsteps of the virtuous kings of the Old Testament and possessing the necessary biblical virtues. However, the Bible could prove a double-edged sword which could be turned against the monarchy, as the ideological battles unleashed by the Reformation were to prove. In search for a justification for their resistance against the French Crown, in particular after 1572, the Huguenots polemicists looked to the Bible in order to find examples of limited monarchies and overthrown tyrants. In putting forward the template of a proto-constitutional monarchy, one of the notions advanced by the Huguenots was the Biblical covenant between God, kings and the people, which imposed limits and obligations on the kings. This paper aims to examine the occurrence of this image in Vindiciae, contra tyrannos (1579), one of the most important Huguenot political works advocating resistance against tyrannical kings, and the role it played in the construction of the Huguenot theory of resistance.


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 32-51
Author(s):  
Aleksander Naumow

The Bible in the culture of Polish-Lithuanian Rus’ in the sixteenth centuryBeginning in the mid-fourteenth century, the East Slavic citizens of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (“Ruthenians,” the “Rutheni”) took active part in a process of multicultural inte­gration. The increase of interests in the biblical text that took place in Europe in that period was not without influence on Ruthenians – both those who remained Orthodox and those who became followers of the Reformation. The article discusses two outstanding figures: Matvej Ioannovič Desjatyj (the biblical codex of Vilnius and Supraśl, 1502–1507) and Francisk Skorina (Prague edi­tion of 23 Books of the Slavonic Bible – Bivlija ruska of 1517–1520, the Vilnius edition of Malaja podorožnaja knižka – The little traveller’s book, 1522, and the Apostolos of 1525). The article also examines how the circle of the Ostroh Academy approached the task of preparing a print edition of the Slavonic Bible (1580–1581) and investigates the viewpoint of those who were influenced by Reformation ideas as well as that of those promoting the usage of prosta/rus’ka mova. This biblical production, which is only a part of the literary activity undertaken in Rus’, testifies to the high level of Ruthenian culture in the Polish-Lithuanian state and shows how Ruthenians were able to match their traditional spirituality with the philologia sacra of the Renaissance. Biblia w kulturze Rusi polsko-litewskiej w XVI wiekuOd połowy XIV wieku wschodniosłowiańscy obywatele Rusi polsko-litewskiej brali czynny udział w procesie wielokulturowej integracji. Wzrost zainteresowania tekstem biblijnym w całej Europie wpłynął zarówno na prawosławnych, jak i sprzyjających reformacji. Artykuł koncentruje się na działalności dwóch wybitnych postaci: Mateusza (Macieja) Joannowicza Dziesiątego (Kodeks biblijny z Wilna i Supraśla z lat 1502–1507) i Franciszka Skoryny („Bivlija ruska” – praskie wydanie 23 ksiąg biblijnych w latach 1517–1520, „Malaja podorožnaja knižka”, wydana w Wilnie w 1522 i „Apostoł”, 1525). Omówiono tu również proces przygotowania w kręgu Akademii Ostrogskiej pierwszej drukowanej Biblii cerkiewnosłowiańskiej (1580–1581), ukazując także punkt widzenia zwolenników reformacji na problem tekstu biblijnego, w tym także propagatorów „prostej/ruśkiej mowy”. Ta biblijna produkcja, stanowiąca jedynie część literackiej piśmienniczej aktywności, świadczy o wysokim poziomie ruskiej kultury w państwie polsko-litewskim i pokazuje, w jaki sposób Rusini byli w stanie połączyć tradycyjną duchowość z renesansową philologia sacra.


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