Remaking the #Syllabus: Crowdsourcing Resistance Praxis as Critical Public Pedagogy

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-241
Author(s):  
Meredith D Clark

Abstract Between 2014 and 2017, the creation of hashtag syllabi—bricolage iterations of reading lists created by or circulated among educators on Twitter—emerged as a direct response for teaching about three highly publicized incidents of racial violence in the United States. Educators used hashtags as a means of sharing resources with their networks to provide non-normative literatures from marginalized scholars for teaching to transgress in the wake of Mike Brown’s slaying in Ferguson, Missouri; the massacre of nine congregants at Emmanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina; and the fatal car attack on anti-fascist protestors in Charlottesville, Virginia. Acting on Chakravartty et al.’s provocation to center scholars of color in course syllabi as a pedagogical strategy to disrupt the reification of white supremacy in communication and media studies, I consider the creation of three hashtag syllabi related to these events as a form of critical resistance praxis in the emerging framework of digital intersectionality theory. I present a brief textual analysis of the aforementioned syllabi, triangulated with data from online conversations linked to them via their hashtags and derivative works produced by their creators and users to map two social media assisted strategies for doing critical public pedagogy.

Author(s):  
Christopher C. Fennell

The town of New Philadelphia was situated on the western edge of Illinois, in Hadley Township and Pike County. The community was just 25 miles east of the Mississippi River and Hannibal, Missouri. New Philadelphia was the first town planned in advance, platted, and legally registered by an African American in the United States. Frank McWorter founded the town in 1836. He was born into slavery in South Carolina in 1777, purchased his freedom in 1819, and established New Philadelphia decades later. The town grew from the 1840s through the late 1800s as a multiracial community. New Philadelphia was located in a region riven by racial ideologies and strife. Competing factions of proslavery elements and abolitionists clashed in western Illinois and the neighboring slave state of Missouri in the antebellum decades. No incidents of racial violence were reported to have occurred within the town. African-American residents of the community worked to obtain land and produce agricultural commodities. Others provided services as blacksmiths and carpenters. Through these enterprises they worked to defy the structural racism of the region that was meant to channel resources and economic value away from them.


Author(s):  
Simon Wendt

This chapter probes the organization’s peculiar fascination with American Indians and its various efforts to commemorate white-Indian friendship and Indian patriotism. It also looks at the close connections between the Daughters’ interpretations of Native American pasts and the DAR’s attempts to improve Indians’ lives in the present. By sanitizing and romanticizing America’s history of racial violence and colonial conquest, the Daughters justified white nation-building and white supremacy while further consolidating notions of Anglo-Saxon whiteness. Daughters across the nation commemorated what they regarded as cordial collaboration between the two groups, loyal Indian support during America’s wars, and Indians’ ostensible willingness to cede their ancestral homelands to the United States.


Author(s):  
Walter C. Rucker

The Black Atlantic and the African Diaspora refer to overlapping geographic and historical concepts each representing a complex series of dispersals, connections and reconnections, interactions, engagements and disengagements, and conflicts. As a geographic, spatial, and historical subset of the African Diaspora, the Black Atlantic refers to the sustained contacts and connections among the peoples of Atlantic Africa, Europe, and the Americas beginning with the “Age of Reconnaissance” (1306–1484) and the “Age of Contact” (1482–1621) and extending into the present. One of the first acts in the creation of the Black Atlantic can be located within the story of Mansa Qu, Islamic emperor and explorer from the western Sudanic empire of Mali, who commissioned two oceanic voyages to discover the western extent of the Atlantic between 1307 and 1311. Reconnaissance expeditions of this sort, launched by both Atlantic Africans and later by Iberians in the 14th and 15th centuries, helped create knowledge networks and webs of interconnections that would become critical to the later formation of the Black Atlantic. At the core of many of these earlier efforts to explore the world around them were the religious pursuits and goals—both Christian and Islamic—on the part of Atlantic Africans and Iberians. Delegations of Christian monks and pilgrims from Ethiopia visited the Italian peninsula, Iberia, and other parts of Europe beginning in 1306 seeking pan-Christian alliances against common Muslim foes. These early delegations fueled later Iberian imaginations about the existence of Prester John—an eastern defender of Christendom believed by the early 15th century to preside over an East African kingdom. In part, the protracted search for the mythical Prester John in Africa by the Portuguese after 1415 set in motion sustained contacts between Iberia and Atlantic Africa highlighted by the creation of Iberian-African settlements along the Atlantic African coast and in the Atlantic Islands, the transfer of enslaved labor to the Americas via the Atlantic Slave Trade, and the beginnings of sugar plantations and slave societies in the Caribbean and Brazil by the mid-16th century. Centuries of sustained contact of this nature spawned a range of cultural formations, the processes of ethnogenesis, and the creation of new transnational identities in the littoral regions and beyond of the four continents that frame the Atlantic Ocean. Creolization, the unique confluence of Atlantic cultures, served as the foundation for reinvented peoples across the Western Hemisphere who remembered, activated, and re-created “Africa” while attending to New World realities of racial slavery and hierarchy. This process of creolization created a range of ethnocultural permutations, from Atlantic Creoles to a wide array of neo-African ethnic groups in the Americas (e.g., Eboes, Coromantees, Congos, Nâgos, and Lucumís). Within this diverse cultural matrix and the processes of cultural mixing, religious and spiritual worldviews were among the most significant articulations of Black Atlantic and creole cultures. Indeed, there is no other way to decode the intricacies of Cuban Santería, Brazilian Candomblé, Haitian Voudou, New Orleans Hoodoo, Jamaican Myalism, or Obeah without framing them in the context of the cultural negotiations among many Atlantic African peoples made necessary by the suffocating confines of racial slavery and more recent socio-racial hierarchies embedded within Western Hemisphere colonialism, Jim Crow in the United States, and other manifestations of white supremacy


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-245
Author(s):  
Panayota Gounari

In this article, teacher mobilizations in 2018–2019 are presented and analyzed as a form of critical public pedagogy. Critical public pedagogy is an important theoretical framework to understand educator radicalization in the United States, in the context of the ongoing capitalist assault on public education, increased authoritarianism, the growing climate of hostility inside and outside schools, coupled with the emboldened rhetoric of hate and bigotry that is legitimized by the highest office in the nation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (10) ◽  
pp. 206
Author(s):  
Heather Harris

This paper explores the representations of two of Disney’s Africana royals, Phiona from the Queen of Katwe and Princess Shuri from Black Panther. Taking into consideration the pedagogical impact of media to reinforce ideologies of White supremacy and privilege, the depictions of these alternative royals in Disney’s royal realm are analyzed using intersectionality theory. The girls’ intersecting identities are juxtaposed with Collins’ matrix of domination concept. The analysis revealed that, while both Phiona and Shuri are challenged by the legacy of colonialization, capitalism, and globalization that constitute the matrix of domination, their approaches to these challenges are different as a result of the unique ways that their identities intersect. The author stresses that while it is commendable of Disney, and Hollywood, to allow for the affirming portrayals of these Africana girls on screen, the gesture is baseless unless a tipping point is reached where such films, and those depicting other non-dominant groups, become the norm rather than the exceptions. In other words, the challenge for those in the industry is not to resist the matrix of domination that stymies the creation of films that reflect the spectrum of the lived and fantastical experiences of Africana, and people of color; rather, the challenge is to dismantle it.


2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 385-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan King-White

Over the past 30 years Physical Cultural Studies (PCS) (Andrews, 2008) has grown in the United States. This form of radical inquiry has been heavily influenced by the British Center for Contemporary Cultural Studies. PCS research has focused on the various ways the corporeal has been a/effected by, and, indeed, (re)informs the contemporary socioeconomic context. However, while theoretical rigor has long been the norm in American PCS, I argue that the critical (public) pedagogy that radically contextual Cultural Studies has always called for has been a little slower in developing. As such, I will demonstrate how Henry Giroux’s influence in, on, and for critical pedagogy has more recently become and should be an essential component of PCS—particularly in our classrooms. As such, I will provide examples outlining how critical pedagogy informs my classroom practices to begin the dialogue about what constitutes good pedagogical work.


2020 ◽  
pp. 757-774
Author(s):  
Jennifer Heusel

This chapter examines the trope of “race riot” as a rhetorical strategy in news media that disciplines race-conscious protest. Adopting a rhetorical genealogy inspired by Michel Foucault, the analysis reads together the news reports about the 1906 riots in Atlanta, Georgia and the 2014 unrest in Ferguson, Missouri. The century dividing these two events may seem too distant, but is necessary in order to identify the legacies of state-sponsored white supremacy that continue to shape expressions of “justice” in the United States. Although white supremacy is generally understood as no longer relevant, racial violence against people of color remains legitimate while exercised by those enforcing law and order. Attention on two racial-antagonistic events divided by a century can assist in highlighting the discursive legacies of state-sponsored white supremacy. The chapter concludes with contemplation on postracial justice, or the expression of justice that is assumed to be beyond the influence of race.


Author(s):  
Jualynne Elizabeth Dodson

Organized in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, during the last decade of the 18th century by free African Americans, the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church is one of the oldest, centrally organized, Christian communions in the world founded and led by US African descendants. Independent-minded free Blacks chose separate Christian worship rather than suffer discriminating racist restrictions to their chosen worship practices. The entire number of African American members “walked out,” of Philadelphia’s white St. George Methodist Episcopal congregation, including the several women members. Richard Allen is the declared “iconic founder” of the denomination, though an original female member provided space for the earliest organizing meetings of what would become the AME Church. In 1816 the Pennsylvania court authorized the emerging group’s legal social status as a denomination. Earlier, a large congregation of African Americans in Charleston, South Carolina, had joined the evolving AME Church, and the denomination continued to grow and expand for more than 200 years, almost equal the age of the United States of America itself. In the first half of the 19th century, a considerable number of AME congregations served as way-stations for self-liberated enslaved persons on the Underground Railroad, and the Church participated in conversations with and about “African Colonization of Free People of Color.” The denomination declined colonization and kept “African” in its name. During the US Civil War, as the Northern military freed Confederate territories, AME Church leaders were allowed to accept recently freed African descendants into the denomination. This brought into the Church the largest numbers of new members and resources ever seen. Currently, there are some 2,510,000 AME members; 3,817 pastors, and 7,000 congregations, and the denomination has belonged to the World Council of Churches since that body organized in 1948. The AME Church is an integral and essential component of US society and has a presence in nineteen African nations, in many countries of the Caribbean islands, and in the United Kingdom, Canada, and Guyana in South America. For more than two centuries, it has published hymnals, Sunday School literature, newspapers, periodical journals, histories of individuals, places and events, a wide variety of local memorabilia, and much more. The keeping of AME records has continued throughout its history and can serve as a great reservoir for future scholarship.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Heusel

This chapter examines the trope of “race riot” as a rhetorical strategy in news media that disciplines race-conscious protest. Adopting a rhetorical genealogy inspired by Michel Foucault, the analysis reads together the news reports about the 1906 riots in Atlanta, Georgia and the 2014 unrest in Ferguson, Missouri. The century dividing these two events may seem too distant, but is necessary in order to identify the legacies of state-sponsored white supremacy that continue to shape expressions of “justice” in the United States. Although white supremacy is generally understood as no longer relevant, racial violence against people of color remains legitimate while exercised by those enforcing law and order. Attention on two racial-antagonistic events divided by a century can assist in highlighting the discursive legacies of state-sponsored white supremacy. The chapter concludes with contemplation on postracial justice, or the expression of justice that is assumed to be beyond the influence of race.


2021 ◽  
pp. 251484862098736
Author(s):  
Dean Hardy ◽  
Nik Heynen

The history of land struggles in the United States demonstrates how ongoing patterns of uneven development depend upon and codify the legacies of white supremacy. In this article, we show how the histories of white supremacy continue to be embedded and institutionalized into contemporary land and property politics through the processes of racialized uneven development using the case of Sapelo Island, Georgia. We trace the history of property relations on Sapelo over four periods (covering 1802–2020) to reveal how Black, Saltwater Geechee descendants’ presence on the island has persisted despite manifold attempts to manipulate, control, and dispossess families of their land. We re-interpret Sapelo’s history through the lens of abolition ecology to articulate how the struggle for life through land consistently runs up against state-sanctioned racial violence, which perpetuates and institutionalizes systemic racialized uneven development. We argue that the “racial state” is facilitating the dispossession of Geechee cultural heritage, which lies in having access to and ownership of the land and requires new political imaginaries to combat the persistence of these tactics.


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