Part IV Power Politics, International Law, and Global Security, Ch.47 Europe

Author(s):  
Methymaki Eleni ◽  
Ozcelik Asli

This chapter discusses the role of Europe as an actor of global (in)security. The place of Europe in the global security landscape is often analysed with a focus on the European Union or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, or both. But European States’ security approaches are not subsumed under the policies and politics of these organizations. The chapter looks at the National Security Strategies (NSSs) of nineteen European States to identify the security approaches of European States’ from their national perspectives, inquiring at the same time whether an embryonic ‘European’ security perspective emerges from them. To evaluate whether this is borne out in practice, the chapter then considers two spheres of securitization which, as evident from the NSSs, are perceived as essential to the maintenance of Europe itself: security at its borders and in its wider neighbourhood.

2011 ◽  
Vol 161 (3) ◽  
pp. 25-44
Author(s):  
Marek KULCZYCKI

The article describes Poland’s involvement in the activities of three organisations: NATO, EU and OSCE, which constitute the basis of the European security system. This activity has been shown over the last two decades, from the early 1990s until today. The author of the article describes the employment of Polish military units in the operations conducted by the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union in the European area as well as the civil and military activity in the missions conducted by OSCE. The article also mentions the Polish contribution to maintaining security on our continent.


Author(s):  
Mārtiņš Vargulis ◽  

As a part of the overarching publication “Willingness to Defend Own Country in the Baltic States: Implications for National Security and NATO’s Collective Defence” (2021), author of this chapter analyses policies and measures of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in fostering societal resilience and willingness to defend own country. The author underlines that the concept of resilience has gained additional foothold in the recent years in NATO. Notwithstanding that, interaction with the member states’ societies and resilience thereof primarily remains the responsibility of NATO member states themselves.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (31) ◽  
pp. 93-104
Author(s):  
Wiesław Kamiński

The article presents the directions and causes of changes in the command system and organization of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland. It presents issues related to the changes that took place in the Polish Armed Forces after 1989 resulting from changes in the international security environment and resulting from Polish accession to the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 115 (4) ◽  
pp. 715-721

In July, the United States, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union (EU), and other allies attributed a variety of malicious cyber activities, including the Microsoft Exchange hack, to China. This joint attribution builds on commitments made in June summits with NATO, the G7, the EU, and the United Kingdom, and is consistent with the Biden administration's multilateral approach to confronting cybersecurity threats and China more generally. Still, critics question whether the administration's efforts will succeed in altering the behavior of states that pose cybersecurity threats to the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 177-189
Author(s):  
Maksim Prikolota ◽  
◽  
Ivan Krylov ◽  

This article analyzes Macedonian foreign policy during the process of joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). We use a modified version of Robert Putnam’s multi-level game concept to show the role of domestic actors in determining Macedonian foreign policy. Based on an analysis of the interactions between the main domestic actors, we identify the reasons for the rapid resolution, after a long pause, of the question of Macedonia’s name and membership in NATO. We use a case-study approach and analyze the available data on the ratio of actors within the existing institutions, key events in the political struggle, and programmes through which the parties formulated foreign policy options. Further, we note the reasons for Greece’s concessions using the concept of multi-level games. We identify a number of important conditions for the formulation of Greece’s position: it is important which party controls the cabinet, whether ruling party coalition partners are ready to support the actions of the cabinet, and whether the actions of the cabinet meet the ideological expectations of other parties. We conclude that three simultaneous conditions made it possible for Macedonia to presently be on the verge of accession to NATO. First, Macedonia’s cabinet was formed by a party ready to accept Greece’s conditions. Second, the party opposed to the country’s renaming occupied less than one third of the seats, making a constitutional majority in the assembly possible. Third, because Macedonian bloc alliances are weak, allies of the anti-renaming party were willing to go against the party forming the bloc.


Author(s):  
Janusz Bugajski

The term Western Balkan is both geographic and political. It was initially employed by US and European policymakers to describe the part of the Balkan Peninsula that remained outside of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU) since the early 1990s. It included all seven states that were formed during the collapse of Yugoslavia (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia) together with Albania, which was emerging from international isolation. During the 1990s, several of these emerging countries had experienced wars generated by nationalist politicians to establish “ethnically pure” territories and to restore or enlarge national statehood during the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Following the EU’s Thessaloniki Summit in June 2003, commitments were made to include all the Western Balkan states in the European Union, and since that time Slovenia (in 2004) and Croatia (in 2013) have become EU members. NATO also underscored its commitments to integrating the region, and Slovenia (in 2004), Croatia (in 2009), Albania (in 2009), and Montenegro (in 2017) all entered the alliance. The remaining states have experienced persistent problems in qualifying for EU and NATO entry. In many cases, reforms remain incomplete and some states confront prolonged disputes over governmental powers, administrative borders, and even their sovereign status. Incomplete, conflicted, or contested states present serious challenges for the region’s institutional absorption into both NATO and the EU.


Author(s):  
Nele Marianne Ewers-Peters

Since its accession to the European Union, the United Kingdom has played an important role in the design and development of the European Union’s foreign, security and defence policy. While it is among the founding members of North Atlantic Treaty Organization, it is also one of the main contributors to European security and played an active part in developing the relationship between both organisations. With the United Kingdom’s decision to leave the European Union, questions concerning the implications of Brexit on European Union–North Atlantic Treaty Organization cooperation arise. As the transatlantic bridge between the two organisations, Britain also faces an uncertain position within the European security architecture. It therefore needs to redefine its relations with the European Union and its own position among other member states. Taking into account the development of national security interests and recent political events, this article develops three possible scenarios that may occur for the European Union–North Atlantic Treaty Organization relationship depending on the outcome of the Brexit negotiations.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (71) ◽  
pp. 11-41
Author(s):  
Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović ◽  
Monika Begović

Abstract Numerous representatives of theories of international relations, security theories or alliance theories have examined the new role of the North Atlantic Alliance or the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the post-bipolar world. Parallel with the theoretical examination of goals and tasks, NATO has transformed itself in practice, following the realities of the contemporary global era. In trying to achieve and keep the primacy of the strongest military- political organization, the Alliance has - especially in the Strategic Concept adopted in Lisbon in 2010-set the normative and institutional foundations of its global engagement, fulfilling the military (hard) and a wide array of non-military (soft) security challenges. This strategy has given rise to "Euro-Atlanticism", as a subsystem of international relations based on strong American-European relations, to fit with the process of regionalization of global politics. However, the 2013-2014 crisis in Ukraine has turned the focus of interest and activities of NATO once again primarily to Europe and it has stressed the importance and necessity of strengthening Euro-Atlantic security and defence ties. The most powerful member of the Alliance, the United States, is again strongly engaged in Europe and Russia, as a kind of successor to the Soviet Union, is once more detected as a major threat to European security. There have been many aspects of theories of international relations that have tried to explain the dynamic of the post-Cold War international community. However, the approach based on neo-realistic assumptions of the role of a security community, collective defence and the use of military force has proved to be dominant. NATO will continue to work on its political dimension as an alliance of the democratic world and the September 2014 Wales Summit will certainly mark the return of NATO to its roots, strengthening its security and military dimensions in the collective defence of Europe from Russia.


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