Cross-Strait Relations

Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Cabestan

Between 1949 and 1979, the study of the relations across the Taiwan Strait concentrated on the contentious and sometimes violent coexistence of the two regimes that came out of the Chinese civil war: the victorious People’s Republic of China (PRC) on the mainland and the largely defeated Republic of China (ROC), which had taken refuge on the island of Taiwan. After Deng Xiaoping in 1979 launched his “peaceful reunification policy,” interest moved to the burgeoning interactions between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait. But it was only after Chiang Ching-kuo, the ROC president, decided in 1987 to allow Taiwanese residents to travel to and trade with the mainland through a third port that publications on cross-Strait relations started to mushroom. Since then, an increasing number of scholarly books and articles have been devoted to this theme. Interest in cross-Strait relations has also been stimulated by the quasi-concomitant democratization of Taiwan. As informal talks between Beijing and Taipei took off in 1992, a large number of publications started to concentrate on the political interactions across the Strait. The unprecedented expansion of trade and economic relations has naturally occupied a large space in terms of both research and publications, often exploring the political and strategic implications of this new interdependence, and in what more and more authors have described as “economic integration” between Taiwan and mainland China. Triggered by the increasing tension between China’s and Taiwan’s conflicting objectives, the 1995–1996 missile crisis directly contributed to multiplying books and articles not only on both entities’ armed forces and readiness to go to or sustain war, but also on the role of the United States in a strategic relationship that is as triangular as bilateral, if not more so. Beyond these lasting issues, research has also focused on the growing daily interactions between the mainland Chinese and the Taiwanese societies, in terms of education, culture, religious organizations, migrations, and marriages, although to date less has been published on these topics. Since 2010 or so, more research work has been devoted to the Chinese Communist Party’s united front work on Taiwan as an alternative strategy aimed at eventually reunifying the island to the mainland. Yet, the future of cross-Strait relations has remained an attractive subject, analyzed in connection with the perceived weakening strategic role of the United States in East Asia vis-à-vis a rapidly modernizing Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in the long term, and with the possible influence of Taiwan’s democratic experience on the mainland. Although it is not always easy to draw a line between studies on cross-Strait relations and Taiwan’s often contentious domestic politics, excluded from this article are books and articles dealing mainly with the latter. With PRC sources in this area, scholars have faced another difficulty in the large amount of propaganda or biased publications; also included is a representative selection of both, attempting as much as possible to signal the limits of their usefulness. Finally, this bibliography prioritizes scholarly books and articles published in English or Chinese, complementing these with a few well-known titles in French and German.

Author(s):  
S. Makhammaduly ◽  

The article analyzes the historical foundations, current state, and prospects of the development of dialogue between the shores of the Taiwan Strait. The research of US analytical centers on the prospects of the development of US-Chinese relations and the «Taiwan Question» is examined. Over the decades of virtually separate development, with the serious influence of the United States, radical changes have taken place in the political culture of the citizens of the Republic of China. The so-called “Taiwanese mentality” is being formed on the island, and the idea of Taiwan’s sovereignty is becoming more and more popular.


Author(s):  
Duncan Bell

This chapter focuses on John Robert Seeley (1834–95), the most prominent imperial thinker in late nineteenth-century Britain. It dissects Seeley's understanding of theology and religion, probes his views on the sacred character of nationality, and shows how he attempted to reconcile particularism and universalism in a so-called “cosmopolitan nationalist” vision. It argues that Seeley's most famous book, The Expansion of England (1883) should be understood as an expression of his basic political-theological commitments. The chapter also makes the case that he conceived of Greater Britain as a global federal nation-state, modeled on the United States. It concludes by discussing the role of India and Ireland in his polychronic, stratified conception of world order.


2020 ◽  
pp. 97-117
Author(s):  
Sebastián Hurtado-Torres

This chapter focuses on the role of copper policies in the relations between the United States and Chile during the Frei administration, especially as they relate to the developmental efforts of the Christian Democratic project. During the Frei administration, the political debate on copper policies reached a climax. Since U.S. capitals were among the most significant actors in the story, the discussions around the issue of copper converged with the ideological visions of the United States and the Cold War held by the different Chilean political parties. As the Frei administration tried to introduce the most comprehensive and consistent reform around the structure of the property of the Gran Minería del Cobre, the forces in competition in the arena of Chilean politics stood by their ideological convictions, regarding both copper and the United States, in their opposition or grudging support for the policies proposed by the Christian Democratic government. Moreover, the U.S. government became deeply involved in the matter of copper in Chile, first by pressuring the Chilean government into rolling back a price increase in 1965 and then, mostly through the personal efforts of Ambassador Edward Korry, by mediating in the negotiation between the Frei administration and Anaconda on the nationalization of the U.S. company's largest mine, Chuquicamata, in 1969.


Author(s):  
Sappho Xenakis ◽  
Leonidas K. Cheliotis

There is no shortage of scholarly and other research on the reciprocal relationship that inequality bears to crime, victimisation and contact with the criminal justice system, both in the specific United States context and beyond. Often, however, inequality has been studied in conjunction with only one of the three phenomena at issue, despite the intersections that arguably obtain between them–and, indeed, between their respective connections with inequality itself. There are, moreover, forms of inequality that have received far less attention in pertinent research than their prevalence and broader significance would appear to merit. The purpose of this chapter is dual: first, to identify ways in which inequality’s linkages to crime, victimisation and criminal justice may relate to one another; and second, to highlight the need for a greater focus than has been placed heretofore on the role of institutionalised inequality of access to the political process, particularly as this works to bias criminal justice policy-making towards the preferences of financially motivated state lobbying groups at the expense of disadvantaged racial minorities. In so doing, the chapter singles out for analysis the US case and, more specifically, engages with key extant explanations of the staggering rise in the use of imprisonment in the country since the 1970s.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karam Dana ◽  
Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta ◽  
Matt Barreto

AbstractDespite the overwhelming evidence to the contrary, popular perceptions in the United States, especially among political elites, continue to believe that religious Muslims oppose American democratic traditions and values. While many studies find positive relationships between mosque attendance and civic participation among U.S. Muslims, an empirical and theoretical puzzle continues to exist. What is missing is research that examines the relationships between the multi-dimensional concept of religiosity and how this is associated with public opinion and attitudes towards the American political system among Muslim Americans. Using a unique national survey of Muslim Americans, we find a positive relationship between religious beliefs, behavior, and belonging and perceptions of compatibility with American democratic traditions. Quite simply, the most religious are the most likely to believe in political integration in the United States.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 2109-2136
Author(s):  
RUPING XIAO ◽  
HSIAO-TING LIN

AbstractThis article revisits the issue of the offshore islands in the Taiwan Strait during the Cold War. Benefitting from archival materials only recently made available, specifically Chiang Kai-shek's personal diaries, CIA declassified materials, Taiwanese Foreign Ministry files, and rare publications from the Contemporary Taiwan Collection at the Library of the Institute of Oriental Culture, University of Tokyo, this research examines the cloud of suspicion surrounding the secret contacts between Taipei and Beijing leading up to and during the 1958 offshore islands crisis, elucidating how such a political tête-à-tête, and the resultant tacit consensus over the status of the islands, gradually brought about an end to the conflict between Taiwan and Communist China. In hindsight, the crises over the offshore islands along China's southeast coast momentarily brought the United States closer to war with Communist China, while putting the relationship between Taipei and Washington to a serious test. The end result, however, was that, while these isles were technically embedded in the unfinished civil war between the Chinese Nationalists and Communists, they provided, ironically, an opportunity for secret communications and, ultimately, a kind of détente between the two supposedly deadly enemies across the Taiwan Strait. A close examination of the details of these crises, along with their attendant military, political, and diplomatic complexities, reveals an amazing amount of political intrigue at both the local and international levels that has not been fully realized until now.


1987 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Ted G. Jelen ◽  
Stephen D. Johnson ◽  
Joseph B. Tamney

Author(s):  
Pablo A. Baisotti

The pastoral trips of Pope Francis to Cuba and to the United States were not only religious. The political activity that he organized to consolidate the relationship between the two recently reconciled countries was remarkable. Through visits, meetings and masses the Pope expressed his position and concerns about various arguments, beyond the recomposed Cuban-American relationship. During the trip he addressed subjects including the environment, poverty, family, union, freedom, all of which were themes that the Pontiff had clearly stated in his encyclical Laudato Si ‘(2015) and his Apostolic Exhortation Evangelii Gaudium (2013). With this trip, Pope Francis ended up consolidating his status as a global politician as well as a pastor with a high degree of acceptance not only among Catholics.


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