Uyghurs

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David O'Brien
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Group Living ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Complete Control

The Uyghur (alternatively spelled Uighur) are the largest and titular ethnic group living in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, a vast area in northwestern China of over 1.6 million sq. km. According to the 2010 census Uyghurs make up 45.21 percent of the population of Xinjiang, numbering 8,345,622 people. The Han, the largest ethnic group in China, make up 40.58 percent in the region with 7,489,919. A Turkic-speaking largely Muslim ethnic group, the Uyghurs traditionally inhabited a series of oases around the Taklamakan desert. Their complex origin is evidenced by a rich cultural history that can be traced back to various groups that emerged across the steppes of Mongolia and Central Asia. Uyghur communities are also found in Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan, with significant diaspora groups in Australia, the United States, Germany, and Turkey. In the first half of the 20th century, Uyghurs briefly declared two short-lived East Turkestan Republics in 1933 and again in 1944, but the region was brought under the complete control of the Chinese state after the Communist Party (CCP) came to power in 1949. Within China they are considered one of the fifty-five officially recognized ethnic minority groups, who, along with the Han who constitute 92 percent of the population, make up the Chinese nation or Zhonghua Minzu中华民族. However, for many Uyghurs the name “Xinjiang,” which literally translates as “New Territory,” indicates that their homeland is a colony of China, and they prefer the term “East Turkestan.” Nevertheless, many scholars use Xinjiang as a natural term even when they are critical of the position of the Communist Party. In this article both terms are used. In the early years of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Uyghurs numbered about 80 percent of the population of Xinjiang, but large-scale government-sponsored migration has seen the number of Han in the region rise to almost the same as that of the Uyghur. This has led to an increase in ethnic tensions often caused by competition for scarce resources and a perception that the ruling Communist Party favors the Han. In 2009, a major outbreak of violence in the capital Ürümchi saw hundreds die and many more imprisoned. The years 2013 and 2014 were also crucial turning points with deadly attacks on passengers in train stations in Kunming and Yunnan, bombings in Ürümchi, and a suicide attack in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, all blamed on Uyghur terrorists. Since then the Chinese government has introduced a harsh regime of security clampdowns and mass surveillance, which has significantly increased from 2017 and which, by some accounts, has seen over one million Uyghurs and other Muslim ethnic minorities imprisoned without trial in “reeducation” camps. The Chinese government insist these camps form part of an education and vocational training program designed to improve the lives of Uyghurs and root out “wrong thinking.” Many Uyghurs believe it is part of a long-term project of assimilation of Uyghur identity and culture.

The Politics of Culture in Cold War America

Prospects ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 451-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Sugrue
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Racial Inequality ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
University Of Pennsylvania ◽  
Literary Figure ◽  
National Security State ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The University

In march, 1994, the University of Pennsylvania held a conference to celebrate the opening of the Howard Fast papers at the university's library. To commemorate Fast's remarkable sixty-year career, a group of historians and literary critics gathered to reconsider the intellectual and cultural milieu of the United States in the early years of the Cold War. During the eventful years, from 1945 to 1960, Fast emerged as a leading Communist activist and a major literary figure who achieved great popular success. Fast, an unabashed member of the Communist Party, like many other oppositional writers of the era, clashed with the national security state. He faced harassment, blacklisting, and marginalization for his refusal to cooperate with federal authorities who were committed to silencing cultural and political voices from the Left. Like other stalwarts of the Communist Party, Fast was often doctrinaire. As a reporter for the Daily Worker and an occasional partisan polemicist, Fast was often stiflingly orthodox. But Fast's Communism was a distinctively American variant, mediated by New York's Jewish radicalism, deeply concerned with the American dilemma of racial inequality.

Revolution knows no boundaries? Chinese revolutionaries in North Vietnam during the early years of the First Indochina War

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 246-274
Author(s):  
Xiaorong Han
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Early Phase ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Economic Aid ◽  
Chinese Military ◽  
North Vietnam ◽  
Indochina War

This article analyses the roles and activities of three groups of Chinese communist revolutionaries in the early phase of the First Indochina War. The author argues that although the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) did not begin to provide substantial aid to North Vietnam until 1950, the involvement of Chinese communists, including members of both the CCP and the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), in the First Indochina War started at the very moment the war broke out in 1946. Although the early participants were not as prominent as the Chinese political and military advisers who arrived after 1949, their activities deserve to be examined, not only because they were the forerunners of later actors, but also because they had already made concrete contributions to the Vietnamese revolution before the founding of the People's Republic of China and the arrival of large-scale Chinese military and economic aid. Moreover, interactions between early Chinese participants and the Vietnamese revolutionaries established a pattern that would characterise Sino–Vietnamese relations in the subsequent decades.

“American Public Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics: The Genesis of the China Lobby in the United States, and how Missionaries Shifted American Foreign Policy between 1938 and 1941”

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-59
Author(s):  
Kristopher C. Erskine
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
American Missionaries ◽  
China Lobby

The China Lobby in the United States attracted much scholarly attention after 1945, yet it found its footing in the late 1930s and played a critical role in re-shaping American public opinion prior to World War ii. Historians have devoted relatively little time to investigating this earlier period. The overwhelming majority of China’s lobbyists during these early years were American missionaries who the Chinese government often funded and managed. This article examines the role of two of those missionaries—Frank and Harry Price—and their American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression. It relies on research in Taiwan, China, and in archives across the United States. The author also has interviewed members of the Price family, as well as former associates of Frank Price in the United States, Taiwan, and China. The evidence this article presents demonstrates that while difficult to quantify, the Price brothers played a crucial role in helping to re-shape American public opinion about China between 1938 and 1941.

China's "Public Diplomacy" toward the United States before Pearl Harbor

2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-55
Author(s):  
Akio Tsuchida
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Direct Control ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
Private Organizations ◽  
Private Organization ◽  
The Government

AbstractAfter the outbreak of Sino-Japanese War in 1937, China sought support and sanctions against Japan from the international community, especially the United States. The government strategy encompassed both official diplomatic channels and non-state channels such as propaganda and private organizations. Drawing from materials in the United States and China, this article presents the evolution of China's "public diplomacy" toward the United States during the early years of the Sino-Japanese War. It argues: (1) China's "public diplomacy" was conducted through the International Department of Ministry of Information of the Chinese Nationalist Party under the direct control of Chiang Kai-shek. (2) Resident agents of China played an indispensable role in forming the American Committee for Non-Participation in Japanese Aggression, a private organization supporting China's cause. (3) The Committee carried out intensive campaigns to bring about pro-China policies and to promote an embargo against Japan. (4) The Chinese government and its agents supported the Committee financially and organizationally until its disbandment in 1941. This article thus demonstrates that wartime China was attempting to compensate for its military weakness by manipulating American public opinion to achieve its own diplomatic goals.

scholarly journals The Chinese Communist Party and the Uyghurs: Securitization and How Ethnic Minorities are Oppressed in an Multi-Ethnic State

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin Mascarin
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Security Issue ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Terror Attacks ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region

Since the beginning of the War on Terror in 2001, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has convinced its own populace as well as foreign countries that increasing security measures in the Xinjiang region are necessary. In 2014, in response to terror attacks, the Chinese Government announced the “Strike Hard Campaign Against Violent Terrorism” aimed at the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, and more specifically the Uyghur ethnic minority. This paper will analyze the oppression of the Uyghurs in China through securitization theory and the political and ethnic theories to construct a better understanding of how large multi-ethnic states legitimize oppressing minority groups within their own country. The findings are that through a combination of Han-ethnocentrism, internal political control and the redefinition of Uyghur resistance to cultural assimilation as a security issue of “Islamic extremism” the CCP can justify the incarceration and indoctrination of the Uyghurs. The international Community despite its acknowledgement of human rights abuses is ill equipped to confront ethnic oppression by big states such as China due to a lack of appropriate legal structures, concepts and definitions on the international level.

Standardization in China

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabrina Weithmann
Keyword(s):  
Electric Vehicles ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Technological Development ◽  
Negative Influence ◽  
Early Years ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Research Centre ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Automotive Sector ◽  
Local Actors

Electric vehicle (EV) development in China emerged with the 863 program (1986) for high technologies and has received support since the 10th Five Year Plan. While standards were of no particular importance in the early years of EV development, standards have increasingly become subject to policies and programs. For instance, the promotion of ‘indigenous' or ‘home-grown' innovation is perceived as means to develop domestic standards and contribute to international standards. Alongside this target, the Chinese government mandated the development of an EV standardization roadmap to serve as a guideline for optimizing standardization work, promoting technical innovation and large-scale industrialization. It was even considered that EV standardization was a novel standard field that has the potential to secure China a forerunner position in technological development as well as international standardization, regardless of standard-setting practices in the conventional automotive sector. Against this background, this paper examines the differences in system set-up and processes of standardization for the traditional automotive and the electric vehicles sector. While conventional automotive standardization is limited to a single sector with the Ministry of Industry of Information Technology and the China Automotive Technology and Research Centre in charge, electric vehicles require the participation of stakeholders from other sectors. Therefore, the negative influence from the conventional decentralized automotive sector on the development of common nationwide standards like the dynamics between national, regional and local actors cannot be deprived. Additionally, this paper also highlights learnings from EV standardization that might set positive impulses for conventional EV standardizations.

scholarly journals Monitoring Million Trees LA: Tree Performance During the Early Years and Future Benefits

2014 ◽  
Vol 40 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Gregory McPherson
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Energy Savings ◽  
Urban Forestry ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Tree Planting ◽  
High Survival ◽  
Early Results ◽  
Tree Survival ◽  
And Performance

Million Trees LA (MTLA) is one of several large-scale mayoral tree planting initiatives in the United States, striving to create more livable cities through urban forestry. This study combined field sampling of tree survival and growth with numerical modeling of future benefits to assess performance of MTLA plantings. From 2006 to 2010 MTLA planted a diverse mix of 91,786 trees. Survivorship rates of 79.8%, 90.7%, and 77.1% for street, park and yard trees were relatively high compared to other studies. Growth rates averaged 0.99 and 1.1 cm DBH per year for street and yard trees. They were similar to rates for the same species in Claremont, California, U.S., and trees in other subtropical urban forests. Projected over 40 years, the amounts of CO2 stored per tree planted per year (20.1 kg), avoided emissions (27.7 kg), rainfall interception (1.5 m3), and air conditioning savings (47.4 kWh) exceeded estimates from a previous assessment. One reason is that MTLA has planted more larger-stature trees than anticipated. Avoided CO2 emissions from energy savings were relatively large because trees were judiciously located for building shade. Park tree plantings were projected to store the most CO2 (42.0 kg per tree per year) because of their large-stature and high survival rate. Although MTLA has not reached its goal of planting 1 million trees, early results suggest that it is achieving success in terms of tree survival, growth, and performance. Continued success will depend on proper tree care practices, strategically selecting and locating new trees, monitoring threats, and adapting to challenges that arise.

Deng Xiaoping’s Views on Science and Technology: Origins of the Sino-U.S. Science and Technology Cooperation, 1977–1979

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-185
Author(s):  
Chenxi Xiong
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Science And Technology ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Intergovernmental Cooperation ◽  
Technological Cooperation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Cooperation System ◽  
Technology Cooperation

Abstract In the late 1970s, after the tumultuous period of the Cultural Revolution, the policy of the government of the People’s Republic of China (prc) in terms of scientific and technological exchanges and cooperation with the United States changed from rejection and exclusion to active participation and promotion. In this process, ideas and views played an important role. The outlook of the Chinese leadership and particularly Deng Xiaoping on science redefined China’s national interests, turning the promotion of Sino-U.S. science and technology cooperation into an active policy of the Chinese government. During the 1970s, the two countries conducted large-scale intergovernmental cooperation in the field of civil science and technology, signed the agreement on scientific and technological cooperation and dozens of memorandums of understanding and protocols, and finally, in 1979, established a long-term scientific and technological cooperation system. The article explores Sino-American relations through the prism of scientific and technological cooperation, showing how this contributed to creating long-term friendly relations beyond other high politics issues.

Quality Control of Data in a Large-Scale Cancer Register Program

1966 ◽  
Vol 05 (02) ◽  
pp. 67-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. I. Lourie ◽  
W. Haenszeland
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Quality Control ◽  
Cancer Patients ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
Newly Diagnosed ◽  
Related Data ◽  
Cancer Register ◽  
Independent Review ◽  
End Results

Quality control of data collected in the United States by the Cancer End Results Program utilizing punchcards prepared by participating registries in accordance with a Uniform Punchcard Code is discussed. Existing arrangements decentralize responsibility for editing and related data processing to the local registries with centralization of tabulating and statistical services in the End Results Section, National Cancer Institute. The most recent deck of punchcards represented over 600,000 cancer patients; approximately 50,000 newly diagnosed cases are added annually.Mechanical editing and inspection of punchcards and field audits are the principal tools for quality control. Mechanical editing of the punchcards includes testing for blank entries and detection of in-admissable or inconsistent codes. Highly improbable codes are subjected to special scrutiny. Field audits include the drawing of a 1-10 percent random sample of punchcards submitted by a registry; the charts are .then reabstracted and recoded by a NCI staff member and differences between the punchcard and the results of independent review are noted.

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