The Creators of Sunday Schools

2019 ◽  
pp. 79-100
Author(s):  
Anilkumar Belvadi

Chapter 3 situates American missionaries in the colonial Indian context. When they arrived in India (legally after 1833), annual missionary salaries, as early as in the 1840s, were in the range of $700 to $1,000, or thirty-five times average Indian earnings. They wrote of their large personal household establishments, which included spacious villas, retinues of several categories of servants, and transportation by way of palanquins or horses. Further, they socialized with British officers and their families. The chapter shows that missionaries were a part of the powerful ruling colonial elite, their caritative commitments and message of Christian humility notwithstanding. They reconciled these contradictions by offering their listeners the rationale that Christianity led to prosperity and a higher state of civilization. They observed the simultaneous existence of agricultural productivity and peasant poverty, and were unable to provide for themselves an explanation for the starkness of the contrast. As the evidence shows, missionaries attributed to the material depredations of the Indians their moral failures rather than the rapacious logic of colonial rule. This causal analysis provided missionaries with the justification for extending their evangelical message to a broader program of civilizational reform. Every element of their interaction with the poverty-stricken population around them began to be seen as an opportunity for moral and spiritual correction. Missionaries began to look upon themselves as builders and transformers of society rather than as mere carriers of a personal, religious message. The chapter ends with an American missionary’s reflections on finding systematic ways of educating Indians on the need for civilizational change.

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-323
Author(s):  
Hyun Kyong Hannah Chang

Abstract Well-known songs of colonial Korea such as “Kagop’a” and “Pongsŏnhwa” appear to be secular songs, but their origins lie in the complex intersection of North American Christian missions, Korean cultural life, and Japanese colonial rule. This article explores the historical significance of secular sentimental songs in colonial Korea (1910–45), which originated in mission schools and churches. At these sites North American missionaries and Christian Koreans converged around songwriting, song publishing, and vocal performance. Missionary music editors such as Annie Baird, Louise Becker, and their Korean associates relied on secular sentimental songs to cultivate a new kind of psychological interior associated with a modern subjectivity. An examination of representative vernacular song collections alongside accounts of social connections formed through musical activities gives a glimpse into an intimate space of a new religion in which social relations and subjective interiors were both mediated and represented by songs. The author argues that this space was partly formed by Christianity’s fugitive status in the 1910s under the uncertainty of an emergent colonial rule and traces the genealogy of Korean vernacular modernity to the activities of singing in this space, which she calls a fugitive Christian public.


2019 ◽  
pp. 101-123
Author(s):  
Anilkumar Belvadi

Chapter 4 traces the logic American missionaries employed in advocating Sunday schools as a suitable answer to their problem of finding audiences for their message. Bazaar-preaching did not produce many converts. Missionaries tried to expand the notion of itinerant preaching: rather than merely present Christianity as a personal path to a secure afterlife, they attempted holding out prospects for a better standard of living for all in this world if they accepted Christianity. The responses usually were those of admiration for the material facts they presented about “Christian countries,” but accompanied by an assertive rejection of any notion of Christian causality. The recalcitrance of their ill-educated adult interlocutors frustrated missionaries and their attention thence turned to children. However, thanks to the availability of government grants-in-aid after 1854, there was increased competition in education from non-Christian groups wanting to set up government-approved secular schools. It was in this context that missionaries felt that Sunday schools, being independent of government funds, could teach Christian doctrine without fear of interference. Further, they expected thousands of non-Christians, eager for any education in English, to attend Sunday Schools, disregarding the evangelical intent of the schools’ sponsors. The India Sunday School Union was formed in 1876 following extensive pan-denominational missionary discussions on the need for a formal organization patterned after “modern” Western bureaucracies, educational systems, armies, and so forth. The chapter details the methods, including the use of advertising, small bribes, and favor-seeking with influential, Christian-minded colonial officials, by which missionaries assembled students. The chapter ends with a statistical review of Sunday school attendance in the last two decades of the nineteenth century.


Author(s):  
Anilkumar Belvadi

Missionary Calculus tells the story for the first time of the making of the Sunday school in Victorian India (1858–1901), focusing on American missionaries, its most active promoters. Unlike other mission histories, this book studies the means missionaries adopted in building this institution rather than on their evangelical ends. Based on extensive archival research, it addresses the question: How did the process of building institutions affect the Christian values to establish which they were built? The book provides a richly detailed account of Indian colonial educational history, discussing the Christian pedagogical encounter with a non-Christian learning environment. It tells of lavish missionary lifestyles in a land frequently stricken by famine, and of missionary solidarity with British colonial authorities, accompanied though by Christian caritative commitment for the plight of the colonized. Missionaries resolved these contradictions by telling their audiences that becoming Christian would lead them to prosperity, while telling themselves that they needed to work out a plan for civilizational correction. Sunday schools began to be seen as at once the instrument of evangelization as of reschooling India. American missionaries brought with them Sunday school curricula and organizational methods from back home, and tried to customize them to Indian conditions. But this meant having to compromise with hiring heathen teachers, allowing heathen students to wear their caste-marks, commissioning a heathen-style hymnody, and paying money to key people to fill the classrooms with heathens. Could such a hybrid institution be Christian? And whom could it serve? Here is an East Indian tale.


1978 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 169-186
Author(s):  
Jarle Simensen

During the last decade the question of counterfactual arguments has attracted a good deal of attention both in philosophy and history. A recent example, which concentrates on the logics of counterfactual analysis in history, is T.O. Climo and P.G.A. Howells' “Possible worlds in historical explanation.” Further progress in this field probably depends both on a development of the purely logical issues involved and an analysis of the actual usage of counterfactuals in the language of practicing historians. My own approach belongs primarily to the latter category. I shall consider examples of counterfactual arguments in two hotly debated fields, first the partition of the African continent and, second, the effects of colonial rule. This approach will provide examples of the function of counterfactuals both in causal analysis and in historical evaluations. My primary aim is to establish a categorization of different usages, but the opportunity will also be taken to discuss in a general manner criteria for the legitimate use of counterfactual argument in history. In this connection I should emphasize my lack of knowledge in formal logic, except that provided by my two Norwegian collegues, Ottar Dahl, and Jon Elster, on whom I rely heavily for the more theoretical parts of this paper.Historical analysis is preoccupied with causes, and in causal analysis there is a particular urge to identify socalled “sufficient” and “necessary” causes. In propositions about such causes some counterfactual assumptions are logically implicit. The clearest example of a necessary cause or precondition for European expansion in Africa is that of technology. To take an early and typical example, Holland Rose maintained that it was an “essential condition” of colonization that “mechanical appliances should be available for the overcoming of natural obstacles.” The implicit counterfactual is that without technology, never colonization. Counterfactuals of this kind scarcely attract attention precisely because of their obvious legitimacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lalatendu Kesari Jena ◽  
Sajeet Pradhan

2000 ◽  
pp. 97-99
Author(s):  
Anatolii M. Kolodnyi ◽  
Oleksandr N. Sagan

Ukraine is a multi-confessional state, where, as of January 1, 2000, 23 543 religious community organizations, monasteries, missions, fraternities, educational establishments belonging to 90 denominations, branches, churches are officially registered. (For comparison, at the beginning of 1991, the following organizations were registered in Ukraine: 9994, 1992 - 12962, 1993 - 15017, 1994 - 14962, 1995 - 16984, 1996 - 18 111, 1997 - 19110, 1998 - 20 406, 1999 - 21 843 organizations). In their property or use, there are over 16 637 religious buildings. Confessions have opened 250 convents, 184 missions, 49 brotherhoods, 121 religious schools, 7,165 Sunday schools and catechesis offices, and 194 periodicals. Religious needs of believers are satisfied by 21 281 priests, of whom 650 are foreigners.


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