Conclusion

2020 ◽  
pp. 151-164
Author(s):  
Andrew L. Whitehead ◽  
Samuel L. Perry

The conclusion provides an overview of the four responses to the Christian nation narrative and the key patterns outlined throughout the book. It rearticulates the main arguments that Christian nationalism is vital to understanding our current social and political context, that it is not synonymous with or a byproduct of other ideologies, and that it operates differently from religion writ large. Christian nationalism shapes Americans’ sense of identity and moral certitude, providing a vision of how the world should look and how believers should enact that vision. The chapter closes by pointing out the implications Christian nationalism has for civil society in the United States, as well as for Christianity. In the end, all Americans are subject to the influence of Christian nationalism whether they reject it or fully embrace it.

2019 ◽  
pp. 80-110
Author(s):  
Charlie Laderman

This chapter examines the attempt by American missionaries to help remold the Ottoman state into a constitutional political system in the aftermath of the 1909 Young Turk Revolution. It explains why Americans, who had long regarded their missionaries as humanitarian aid agents helping to support and uplift the Armenians through their mission stations, now looked to them to extend their “civilizing mission” across the Empire. It explores the growth of the Protestant missionary lobby in the United States and the ways in which it developed support for an attempt to build a civil society in the Ottoman Empire that would ensure security for the Armenians within a reformed Ottoman polity. It explains why missionaries and their supporters viewed this as part of a larger mission to spread Christian ideals and representative government around the world alongside British evangelists. Missionary dreams of a new Ottoman nation collapsed when, amidst World War One, the Ottoman Armenians faced wholesale destruction. This chapter concludes by exploring how Woodrow Wilson’s administration and the missionaries responded to this “Crime Against Humanity,” and why their determination to maintain American neutrality so infuriated Theodore Roosevelt. It examines how the missionary lobby pioneered an unprecedented relief operation, and worked in partnership with the leading British champion of the Armenians, James Bryce, to publicize the atrocities and plan for Armenia’s ultimate liberation from Ottoman rule.


2020 ◽  
pp. 105-129
Author(s):  
Lauren R. Kerby

This chapter examines how white evangelicals cast themselves as saviors of the United States and how Christian heritage tours offer an initiation into the battle to restore the nation’s Christian heritage. Most white evangelicals today feel that the United States has deviated from the course the founders set for it. But salvation will require sacrifice. Like the American soldiers commemorated in D.C.’s war memorials and Arlington National Cemetery, white evangelicals are called to give their own lives to save the nation from decline. Christian heritage tours ask participants to join the battle for Christian America, usually through becoming politically involved themselves and supporting efforts to promote Christianity in the American public square. They are told they may face ridicule, persecution, or even death for their troubles, but that the fate of the nation and the world hang in the balance. The jeremiad initiated by the Christian Right culminates in this call to action, and this narrative provides the foundations of Christian nationalism.


Author(s):  
Lauren R. Kerby

Millions of tourists visit Washington, D.C., every year, but for some the experience is about much more than sightseeing. Lauren R. Kerby’s lively book takes readers onto tour buses and explores the world of Christian heritage tourism. These expeditions visit the same attractions as their secular counterparts—Capitol Hill, the Washington Monument, the war memorials, and much more—but the white evangelicals who flock to the tours are searching for evidence that America was founded as a Christian nation. The tours preach a historical jeremiad that resonates far beyond Washington. White evangelicals across the United States tell stories of the nation’s Christian origins, its subsequent fall into moral and spiritual corruption, and its need for repentance and return to founding principles. This vision of American history, Kerby finds, is white evangelicals’ most powerful political resource—it allows them to shapeshift between the roles of faithful patriots and persecuted outsiders. In an era when white evangelicals’ political commitments baffle many observers, this book offers a key for understanding how they continually reimagine the American story and their own place in it.


2006 ◽  
Vol 105 (688) ◽  
pp. 79-83
Author(s):  
Vanda Felbab-Brown

Ironically, civil society, which the United States has been exporting as a means of democratization around the world, is precisely what is complicating its counternarcotics policies in the Andes.


2020 ◽  
pp. 121-150
Author(s):  
Andrew L. Whitehead ◽  
Samuel L. Perry

In this chapter we demonstrate how Christian nationalists are deeply invested in ensuring family life in the United States reflects a particular order prioritizing patriarchy, heterosexuality, and cisgender identification. The family is viewed as the building block of society and the ultimate litmus test for any moral decay within a society. Using attitudes toward gender roles and identity, divorce, and same-sex marriage, this chapter illustrates the diversity of attitudes among the four responses to the Christian nation narrative. Using multiple waves of national survey data, we also explore change over the last decade concerning how Christian nationalism is related to views of the family. We show that Christian nationalism is concerned with ensuring families in the United States reflect a particular order. Finally, we show that contrary to prior chapters, Christian nationalism and personal religiosity can at times work in the same direction but for differing reasons.


2017 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 280-299
Author(s):  
Joanne D. Halverson

This phenomenological study sought to reveal the meaning for and experience of individuals who navigate two often-disparate ideological and experiential “worlds” within the culture of the United States. These two worlds can be described, respectively, as animistic—being embedded in and giving priority to relationship and nature—and Western mainstream—being embedded in and giving priority to materialism and rationalism. The phenomenon examined was—functioning within the mainstream culture while experiencing an animistic lifeworld. The animistic worldview is at odds in significant ways with the belief systems underlying the prevailing worldview, and is often misunderstood and demeaned. Six participants and the researcher participated in this qualitative study. The interviews were semistructured and open-ended. Through analysis, the underlying constituents and essential structure of the experience emerged. Constituents were (a) the experience of social stigma, (b) a deeply relational way of being-in-the-world, and (c) an expansive sense of identity. An experience of both belonging and alienation emerged—the true self-world remains concealed behind a “veil” or “mask” for the person’s protection in mainstream culture. Further research, particularly to benefit clinicians and clients, is needed to expand understanding of these dynamics which so affect people who walk in two worlds.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Ruth Braunstein

A wide range of right-wing movements are bound together by their adherence to a nostalgic vision of the United States as a “Christian nation,” yet there are meaningful differences in the specific narratives promoted by these groups that are not fully understood. This article identifies two ideal-typical versions of this narrative: the white Christian nation and the colorblind Judeo-Christian nation. The two narratives share a common declension structure, but differ in their framing of how religion and race intersect as markers of American belonging and power. Although participants in right-wing movements often slide back and forth between the two narratives in practice, distinguishing between them analytically enables us to better understand how the two renderings of American history carry different meanings and perform different kinds of political work for participants in these movements. Theoretically, the analysis extends the insights of a “complex religion” approach to sites beyond organized religion, while also demonstrating how scholarship on Christian nationalism and on right-wing movements’ use of national history could each be enhanced by greater attention to the other.


2011 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 186-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malini Ratnasingam ◽  
Lee Ellis

Background. Nearly all of the research on sex differences in mass media utilization has been based on samples from the United States and a few other Western countries. Aim. The present study examines sex differences in mass media utilization in four Asian countries (Japan, Malaysia, South Korea, and Singapore). Methods. College students self-reported the frequency with which they accessed the following five mass media outlets: television dramas, televised news and documentaries, music, newspapers and magazines, and the Internet. Results. Two significant sex differences were found when participants from the four countries were considered as a whole: Women watched television dramas more than did men; and in Japan, female students listened to music more than did their male counterparts. Limitations. A wider array of mass media outlets could have been explored. Conclusions. Findings were largely consistent with results from studies conducted elsewhere in the world, particularly regarding sex differences in television drama viewing. A neurohormonal evolutionary explanation is offered for the basic findings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-54
Author(s):  
Silvia Spitta

Sandra Ramos (b. 1969) is one of the few artists to reflect critically on both sides of the Cuban di-lemma, fully embodying the etymological origins of the word in ancient Greek: di-, meaning twice, and lemma, denoting a form of argument involving a choice between equally unfavorable alternatives. Throughout her works she shines a light on the dilemmas faced by Cubans whether in Cuba or the United States, underlining the bad personal and political choices people face in both countries. During the hard 1990s, while still in Havana, the artist focused on the traumatic one-way journey into exile by thousands, as well as the experience of profound abandonment experienced by those who were left behind on the island. Today she lives in Miami and operates a studio there as well as one in Havana. Her initial disorientation in the USA has morphed into an acerbic representation and critique of the current administration and a deep concern with the environmental collapse we face. A buffoonlike Trumpito has joined el Bobo de Abela and Liborio in her gallery of comic characters derived from the rich Cuban graphic arts tradition where she was formed. While Cuba is now represented as a rotten cake with menacing flies hovering over it ready to pounce, a bombastic Trumpito marches across the world stage, trampling everything underfoot, a dollar sign for a face.


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