Mixed Blessings

Author(s):  
Xiaoxuan Wang

The transition from underground family gathering to meetings in formal church buildings after the Cultural Revolution was a dramatic passage in the history of Christianity in Rui’an and Wenzhou. It generated both prosperity and chaos. Many Protestant leaders adopted a pragmatic stance toward the re-established Three-Self Church, allowing Protestant communities to take full advantage of their status as a “regulatory priority.” By contrast, Catholic communities could not do so because of their persistent refusal to collaborate with the government. Yet the loosening political and institutional environment was a mixed blessing for the Protestant Church. The government’s accommodating attitude toward formal church meetings considerably accelerated the construction, restitution, and legalization of churches, old and new. But the reappearance of the Three-Self Church tested the fragile unity that the churches had achieved during the Cultural Revolution. Protestant communities were torn apart by schisms at every level, from pan-denominational organizations to small village churches.

2005 ◽  
Vol 181 ◽  
pp. 199-201
Author(s):  
Barbara Mittler

This is a delightful book. It opens up a cultural arena much neglected in scholarship on China. Nine engagingly narrated chapters take us through the history of Sino-foreign musical contact since the late 19th century, with one digression, which goes back to encounters since the 16th century (chapter two). The book follows the life story of three important institutions (the Shanghai Municipal Orchestra, the Shanghai Conservatory and the Central Conservatory) and three important men: violinist Tan Shuzhen, who was the first Chinese to join the orchestra in colonial Shanghai; conductor Li Delun, who was trained in Moscow and managed to serve the government before, during and after the Cultural Revolution; and composer He Luting, one of the most outspoken protagonists in China's music world and long-time principal at the Shanghai Conservatory. The authors' approach of choosing “white elephants” to present the history of classical music in China, although unfashionable since Jauss, brings much cohesion and structural elegance to the volume.The book is at its best when using material from interviews conducted by the authors. Based on this evidence, the book comes to one important conclusion: contact between Chinese and foreign musicians in China was generally not antagonistic, either before or after 1949. Foreign musicians did not behave in a condescending manner, as “imperialists” and Chinese musicians hardly ever perceived them to do so. For obvious reasons, few Chinese (and, surprisingly, few foreign studies) on China's classical music scene have acknowledged this fact.The authors have done a beautiful job in telling their story. They must be lauded for having gone through a great variety of sources including contemporary newspaper articles, propaganda magazines, Party documents, as well as films, recordings and some of the very recent, and mostly biographical, secondary literature on the subject published in China. Since the book is conceived as a collective biography, it lacks detailed musical and historical analysis and it would have benefited from a few closer readings. For example, what precisely is the meaning of “national style” for people as different as Tcherepnin, Mao Zedong or Guo Wenjing? Musical analysis would have provided an answer. Why do the authors not make more of the fact that Jiang Qing advised the musicians writing a model symphony to watch – and, more importantly, listen – to music in Hollywood films in order to improve their compositional skills? A more explicit engagement with the technical and musical styles of the model works (the term model opera should really be reserved for the operas in the set and not all of the pieces which also comprised ballets and symphonic compositions) would have been illuminating here, for it would have shown how indebted they were to the same principles of music-making as Hollywood film music on the one hand and the Butterfly Violin Concerto on the other – both officially condemned during the Cultural Revolution. It is sad, too, that the balanced account of the Cultural Revolution years – which describes both the pain it caused to many an intellectual and the benefits it brought for Chinese musical life generally – focuses almost entirely on the first set of eight model works and leaves out the second, equally important set of ten produced later (chapter seven). There are a number of non sequiturs in this book that are inevitable in any pioneering work of this size.


Author(s):  
Ochirov Ts. Solbonovich ◽  

The research of the problems of the contemporary history of the NorthEastern China including the analysis of ideological and political campaigns of the second half of the XX century is one of the high-potential fields of the Oriental studies in our country. The article focuses on the period of the (Great) ‘Cultural Revolution’ (1966–1976) at bordering USSR Chinese regions — Heilongjiang province and Khulun-Buir aimak of the autonomous region of Inner Mongolia. The goals of the study are set in concurrence with chronological order of the events: the ‘cultural revolution’ in the above mentioned regions had two stages. The study is based on the works of the Chinese historians. The given research highlights the specific features of the initial stage of the “cultural revolution” including the criticism of the party officials, establishment of revolution committees and running a political campaign ‘vasu’; considers the Soviet-Chinese conflict at the Daman island in 1969 to be a factor in the following political stabilization of the bordering territories; examines the movement for restoration of the party apparatus and the boost in the industrial development in 1970s of the last century.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 591-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Croll

At the outset of the recent anti-Confucian and Lin Piao campaign it was forecast that this movement would “ surely create still more •r favourable conditions for the emancipation of women.” x To create conditions advantageous to women the campaign set out to identify the obstacles inhibiting the redefinition of the role and status of women, j The identification of problem areas is not a new element in the history of the women's movement, indeed the problems have been stated time and again. The significance of this campaign lies in its concentrated and analytical attempt to integrate the redefinition of the female role with a nation-wide effort to change the self-image and expectations of both men and women. In this it provides a contrast with the strategy of the previous national campaign, the Cultural Revolution. Historically the women's movement has been very much concerned with raising the confidence of women in their own individual and collective abilities and translating the individual experience of suppression into a coherent analysis of oppression, but there is evidence to suggest that there was too little attention given to the position of women in the Cultural Revolution. For instance many associations and enterprises encouraged their members to believe that so long as overall revolutionary aims were fulfilled, there was no need to pay” particular attention to the position of women.2 The recent campaign and its application to practical problems among both men and women is a new recognition that because of their history of oppression it is still necessary to pay special attention to the restraints that continue to hinder the redefinition of women's role and status in society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Rahadjeng Pulungsari

<p>Misty poetry or 朦胧诗 <em>menglongshi</em> is a poem that appeared in the era of the 70s during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). The emergence of a new kind of poetry that is different from the previous poem marks a new way of writing poetry in China. Its uniqueness is in wordplay, metaphor, synesthesia, and symbols that are not open to its meaning. This new type of Misty poem also received attention from the Chinese government, because behind the symbols and sequence of sentences contain thoughts that are considered not in accordance with the government. Among these Misty wing poets, Bei Dao and Gu Cheng were two important poets. This paper reviews two poems of Bei Dao and two poems by Gu Cheng on the intrinsic element that contains imagery and style of language to understand the meaning. Furthermore, In order to support the analysis, this research also reviews the extrinsic elements to gain the whole meaning of the poetry. Therefore, the explanation of the Cultural Revolution is very important for this analysis. This analysis will explain how this Misty poems play an important role to explain the Cultural Revolution through the works of Bei Dao and Gu Cheng.</p><p> </p><p> </p><p class="JudulAbstrakKeyword"> </p>


1979 ◽  
Vol 77 ◽  
pp. 50-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hong Yung Lee

This paper analyses Mao's revolutionary strategy as revealed in the Cultural Revolution. Defined as an analysis of ends and means, strategy stands between objective reality and action, linking one event to another in a chain of social causation. Since one's attitudes and ideology influence one's definition of the situation and one's selection of means and goals, these subjective elements constitute a large part of any strategy. This study of Mao's strategy therefore raises the following questions: what was Mao's role in the Cultural Revolution; what faults did he attribute to the pre-Cultural Revolution Chinese political system; what were his objectives in the Cultural Revolution; how did he actually lead themovement; and was there any discernible pattern in his leadership?Mao's Role in the Cultural RevolutionThe Cultural Revolution was certainly one of the most complex political events in the entire history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). It involved a large segmentof the general population and all ruling groups, both the government and the Party, from the Central Committee down to Party branches in the schools and factories. Moreover, a wide varietyof issues were raised, discussed and debated: broad ideological and political questions and more specific questions of economic, cultural and educational policy. To complicate matters further, the mass movement lasted more than two years, passing through a number of different stages. At each stage, new political groups emerged, leading groups changed, and tactics shifted, only to produce a new configuration in the next stage. Each stage, therefore, exhibited its ownunique features in terms of the dominant actors, issues and coalitions, and each stage forced the individual actor to reconsider his choice of tactics and coalition partners.


2016 ◽  
Vol 227 ◽  
pp. 697-717 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia M. Thornton

AbstractThe May 16 Notification, which set the agenda for the Cultural Revolution, named the movement's key targets as those “representatives of the bourgeoisie who have sneaked into the Party, the government, the army, and all spheres of culture.” The ensuing uprising of students and workers, many of whom claimed to be the loyal “representatives” of revolutionary and radical forces at the grassroots of society, exposed the fulminating crisis of political representation under CCP rule. This article considers the Cultural Revolution as a manifestation of a continuing crisis of representation within revolutionary socialism that remains unresolved to the present day, as demonstrated by the tepid popular response to Jiang Zemin's “three represents” and widespread contemporary concerns about the Party's “representativeness” (daibiaoxing代表性) in the wake of market reform. Although the Cultural Revolution enabled both public debate of and political experimentation with new forms of representative politics, the movement failed to resolve the crisis. The Party's lingering disquiet regarding issues of representation thus remains one legacy of the Cultural Revolution.


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