Critical Journalists in China and Russia

2020 ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Maria Repnikova
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Arbitrary State ◽  
Negotiation Strategies ◽  
Media Politics

This chapter compares media politics in China and Russia through the prism of critical journalists. It argues that whereas Chinese journalists experience political restrictions in the form of “structured ambiguity” or via frequent preemptive signals from the state, Russian journalists face a more arbitrary state that sends occasional post-factum signals that are difficult to premeditate. As a result, journalists’ negotiation strategies also differ between the two cases. Chinese journalists embark upon a routine game of cautious improvisation with the state, whereas Russian journalists combine defiant opposition with resigned self-censorship. The China-Russia comparison suggests that structured ambiguity breeds resistance from within, whereas arbitrary coercion incites political contestation that is more isolated but also more radically disposed.

Bad subjects: Epistemic violence at arraignment

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-369
Author(s):  
Emily Brissette
Keyword(s):  
Due Process ◽  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Arbitrary State ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Epistemic Violence

While arraignment is meant to serve as a check on arbitrary state power, actualizing defendants’ rights to due process, it is also a key site wherein individuals come face to face with the state. This article theorizes the epistemic violence inherent in that encounter and embedded in routine court practices. Drawing on ethnographic observations of misdemeanor arraignments, this article explores how the state produces and marshals knowledge of the accused: interpellating most defendants into a degraded subject position, actively silencing their attempts to know otherwise, and making racialized moral evaluations of their worthiness. Together these practices constitute epistemic violence, inflicting injury through their assault on defendants’ dignity and personhood and through their justification and reproduction of more material harms.

State Functions and Media Politics

2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-349
Author(s):  
Nikolai Genov
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Protection ◽  
The State ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Large Share ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Politics ◽  
State Functions

What is specific in the efforts of the Slovenian state institutions to handle the current economic, political, and cultural crisis in the country? The answer is searched for in the media representations of the building of a new government in February 2012. The analysis is focused on five major functions of modern states: security provision, regulation of macro-economy, administration, reproduction of human resources, and environmental protection. The source of primary information for the analysis and argumentation is the daily newspaper Delo (Labor). Relevant publications in the newspaper were differentiated by applying two criteria: first, predominant reference to one of the five functions of the state; second, if the article contains no alternative (1) or presents a strong alternative to a given situation, event or opinion related to the state functions (5) on a 5-point scale. The analysis identifies a large share of publications focusing on the administrative function of the state and rather limited share of publications on security issues and environmental protection. The analyzed publications contain only modest efforts to present and discuss alternatives to political situations and opinions. The hypothesis about alleged colonization of politics by mass media is falsified.

scholarly journals Section 273.65 of the National Defence Act: Inappropriate and Unconstitutional

2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2006
Author(s):  
Michael P.A. Carabash
Keyword(s):  
September 11 ◽  
The State ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Arbitrary State ◽  
Canadian Charter ◽  
Section 8 ◽  
Foreign Intelligence ◽  
National Defence ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Signals Intelligence

After six short weeks of debate, Bill C-36, The Anti-terrorism Act,1 passed into law on 28 November 2001. Bill C-36 was Parliament’s formal legislative response to the terrorist attacks upon the U.S. on September 11. Among other things, Bill C-36 amended the National Defence Act2 to grant the Minister of National Defence, in place of a judge, the power to authorize the Communications Security Establishment (CSE) to intercept private communications for the purpose of obtaining foreign intelligence under section 273.65. The CSE’s mandate includes acquiring and providing foreign signals intelligence.3 In this article, I argue that this amendment to the National Defence Act abolished an essential safeguard to arbitrary state actions and likely violates section 8 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.4 The eventual removal of section 273.65 from the National Defence Act would uphold the long-standing, appropriate, and constitutional doctrine that the power to authorize agents of the state to intercept private communications rests solely with the judiciary.

scholarly journals THE URBAN POOR in DHAKA: PERSPECTIVES ON THE RIGHT TO THE CITY

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamsul AREFIN ◽  
Tamanna RASHID
Keyword(s):  
Urban Space ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
The State ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Negotiation Strategies ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

The urban poor experience serious discontents, harassment, eviction, police repression and local goons threatening when using urban space for living and livelihood purposes. This study pursues to understand the poor people’s negotiation strategies with different powerful agents who occupy money, muscleman and political affiliation. Following a mixed method approach, this study investigates the two biggest slums in Dhaka as case studies. Findings show that urban poor have to build different social-contract relations with various local agents as survival mechanisms while economic activities using urban space are considered to be illegal in Bangladesh. The role of the state is somewhat ambiguous in this regard. On the one hand, the state is not evicting the poor permanently from the city but it is repatriating them on other grounds and, on the other hand, it permits hundreds of informal intermediary agents to work for sustaining informal urban settlements for the poor people. We argue that these distinctive socio-structural arrangements in Dhaka city is hindering poor people from getting united and claiming their rights to the city while also not providing them proper opportunities to fully appropriate the urban space. These socio-economic relations need to be considered in order to make a just city for all, from the RTC perspective.

scholarly journals Media, politics and state broadcasting in Greece

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 345-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Petros Iosifidis ◽  
Stylianos Papathanassopoulos
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Competitive Advantage ◽  
The State ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Commercial Television ◽  
Financial Independence ◽  
Media Politics ◽  
Market Liberalisation ◽  
Governmental Control

This article focuses on governmental control over state broadcasting media in Greece and analyses whether Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation can be considered as public or state broadcaster. The first part explores the interrelationship between media, politics and the state in Greece, and the ways the latter has affected the development of Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation. By doing so, it makes references to similar Southern European broadcasting models that are also characterised by clientist manners, ministerial censorship, a powerful state and a weak civil society. Furthermore, it looks at the devastating impact of haphazard deregulation and market liberalisation on Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation since the early 1990s, when the Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation lost much of its formerly loyal audience and advertising income to a number of newly launched commercial television channels. Part 2 assesses the degree of political, editorial and financial independence of Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation under the current SYRIZA-led administration. Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation was re-launched by the left-wing SYRIZA government after a temporary 2-year closure, but it is struggling to maintain a competitive advantage and a politically neutral output.

scholarly journals Journalistikkens rolle i netværkssamfundet

1970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Ørsten
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Network Society ◽  
Private Companies ◽  
Direct Competition ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Politics ◽  
Secret War

In the network society the boundaries between media, politics, economy and culture is put under pressure. The media is placed in an increasingly direct competition with the state, private companies, interest organisations etc. about the powers of definition within important spheres of society. This is illustrated by for instance “the Muhammad crisis” and the debate about the documentary “The secret war”. Both cases also show the importance of the legitimacy of the roles played by the media in the network society. This puts forward the old question about the objectivity of journalism, and makes this question important in the debate about the roles of journalism in the network society.

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