Grocery Workers

2021 ◽  
pp. 264-310
Author(s):  
Scott L. Cummings

This chapter analyzes the labor movement’s challenge to retail giant Wal-Mart, which in 2002 announced plans to open forty Supercenters in California—threatening to undermine labor standards, and union strength, in the grocery sector. It focuses on the confrontation with Wal-Mart in the separately incorporated city of Inglewood, a historically working-class African American community in South Los Angeles. There, a community-labor coalition, led by LAANE, organized to stop Supercenter development through legislative and legal challenges—a technique known as a “site fight” because it aimed to block Wal-Mart at a specific location. The chapter examines three phases of the fight, tracing how the coalition mobilized law to defeat the Inglewood proposal, design innovative policies to limit Wal-Mart’s entry into the Los Angeles market, and thwart Wal-Mart’s effort to bypass those policies by opening a small-format grocery store in historic Chinatown. In evaluating the campaign, the chapter suggests that the outcome was, in part, a product of Wal-Mart’s political miscalculation: The company’s drive for a Supercenter in Inglewood failed despite evidence of public support, in large measure because of an ill-conceived attempt to gain voter approval through a city initiative that would have completely circumvented the local planning process. Yet Wal-Mart’s defeat was not merely self-inflicted. The company’s miscalculation of the local response to the initiative was politically consequential precisely because there was a sophisticated team of activists and lawyers who used Wal-Mart’s disregard of public input to successfully mobilize community opposition to the Supercenter and build new anti-big-box policy. In that sense, the presence of a political-legal support structure, with experience mounting development-oriented campaigns from the community benefits context, was essential to Wal-Mart’s defeat—strengthening grocery labor standards in Los Angeles going forward.

Author(s):  
Paul Lichterman

This chapter evaluates how the close juxtaposition of civic and noncivic in hybrid civic action provides better ways to discern whether or not, and how, nonprofits express the will of people in their immediate locale, and whether or not they pose an effective alternative to governmental action, as some commentators argue. All that should help clarify how civic action really works. The chapter focuses mostly on a locally prominent and successful, nonprofit affordable housing developer, Housing Solutions for Los Angeles (HSLA). It then compares HSLA briefly with efforts by a Tenants of South Los Angeles (ISLA) committee to administer the housing provisions of the community benefits agreement (CBA) that ISLA's campaign won from the Manchester apartments developer. This was a different kind of hybrid. ISLA's affordable housing work for the community ultimately was both financed and constrained by a big, for-profit real estate developer — the Manchester property owner.


2021 ◽  
pp. 251512742199780
Author(s):  
Marlene M. Reed ◽  
Les Palich

This case is about Aaron Caddel, an entrepreneur, who owned several coffee houses and bakeries in San Francisco and Los Angeles and had to rethink his businesses during the Covid 19 pandemic in early 2020. Aaron pulled the plug on his operations on March18, operated as a grocery store until March 21. With no knowledge of e-commerce but possessing a staff of skilled bakers and a 4,200 square foot warehouse, Aaron believed he could pivot his business and keep his workers employed. His concern was the steps he should take to support a business that would help him keep his workers employed during the pandemic.


2005 ◽  
Vol 95 (4) ◽  
pp. 668-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
LaVonna Blair Lewis ◽  
David C. Sloane ◽  
Lori Miller Nascimento ◽  
Allison L. Diamant ◽  
Joyce Jones Guinyard ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 605-609 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamika Ossey ◽  
Sharon Sylvers ◽  
Sona Oksuzyan ◽  
Lisa V Smith ◽  
Douglas Frye ◽  
...  

AbstractThe Community Emergency Response Team (CERT) concept was initially developed for adult members of the community to help prepare for disasters and minimize damage when disasters occur. CERTs also served as a tool for building community capacity and self-sufficiency by supporting a diverse group of people working together in dealing with challenges affecting their communities. The novel approach to CERTs described here sought to involve high-risk youth from low-socioeconomic status communities in CERTs and first aid and cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) training to help them build ties with communities, stay off the streets, and become leaders in the community. It also helped to provide different perspectives on life, while building more resilient communities better prepared to minimize damage when a disaster strikes. After the successful launch of the first high-risk teen CERT cohort in Watts (27 CERT-trained and 14 first aid/CPR-trained), the project was expanded to other community groups and organizations. Seven additional cohorts underwent CERT and first aid/CPR training in 2013 through 2014. This initiative increased CERT visibility within South Los Angeles. New partnerships were developed between governmental, nongovernmental, and community-based organizations and groups. This model can be used to expand CERT programs to other communities and organizations by involving high-risk teens or other high-risk groups in CERT training. (Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness. 2017;11:605–609)


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 586-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denise D. Payán ◽  
David C. Sloane ◽  
Jacqueline Illum ◽  
Roberto B. Vargas ◽  
Donzella Lee ◽  
...  

This study is a process evaluation of a clinical–community partnership that implemented evidence-based interventions in clinical safety net settings. Adoption and implementation of evidence-based interventions in these settings can help reduce health disparities by improving the quality of clinical preventive services in health care settings with underserved populations. A clinical–community partnership model is a possible avenue to catalyze adoption and implementation of interventions amid organizational barriers to change. Three Federally Qualified Health Centers in South Los Angeles participated in a partnership led by a local community-based organization (CBO) to implement hypertension interventions. Qualitative research methods were used to evaluate intervention selection and implementation processes between January 2014 and June 2015. Data collection tools included a key participant interview guide, health care provider interview guide, and protocol for taking meeting minutes. This case study demonstrates how a CBO acted as an external facilitator and employed a collaborative partnership model to catalyze implementation of evidence-based interventions in safety net settings. The study phases observed included initiation, planning, and implementation. Three emergent categories of organizational facilitators and barriers were identified (personnel capacity, professional development capacity, and technological capacity). Key participants and health care providers expressed a high level of satisfaction with the collaborative and the interventions, respectively. The CBO’s role as a facilitator and catalyst is a replicable model to promote intervention adoption and implementation in safety net settings. Key lessons learned are provided for researchers and practitioners interested in partnering with Federally Qualified Health Centers to implement health promotion interventions.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Shannon ◽  
Christina Hood

2012 ◽  
pp. 20-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laure Heland

This contribution concerns the planning process applicable to sustainable urban neighbourhoods whose increasing number in Europe appears to be changing the framework of urban development. Having briefly presented the main characteristics of sustainable neighbourhoods in Europe, this chapter then specifically concentrates on sustainable urban neighbourhoods resulting from an ecological rehabilitation process in the city of Albertslund, in Denmark. While these rehabilitation experiments remain anecdotal when compared with new sustainable districts, they nevertheless represent a far greater structuring potential for cities. Our hypothesis is that the implementation of sustainable development renews local planning practices. We shall also see how these districts attempt to overcome a major contradiction inherent in new eco-neighbourhoods by combining a search for eco-technological performances with the incorporation of more social and cultural challenges. Our research suggests that the local actions of inhabitants can play an important role in making sustainable development work.


2021 ◽  
pp. 311-445
Author(s):  
Scott L. Cummings

This chapter examines the monumental campaign to raise labor and environmental standards in the trucking industry at the Los Angeles and Long Beach ports. Building on the blue-green coalition launched in the CBA and big-box contexts—and incorporating central lessons from a decade of community–labor organizing in Los Angeles—the Campaign for Clean Trucks emerged as a fight over air quality but ultimately advanced as a local policy struggle over working conditions for roughly sixteen thousand short-haul port truck drivers. For these drivers, the central problem was their misclassification as independent contractors. Misclassification forced drivers to bear all the costs of operation—contributing to poorly maintained dirty diesel trucks causing air pollution—while depriving them of the right to organize unions to improve labor conditions. Restoring drivers to the status of employees was the mutual goal bringing together the labor and environmental movements in this campaign. It rested on a novel legal foundation: The ports, as publicly owned and operated entities, had the power to define the terms of entry for trucking companies through contracts called concession agreements. The campaign—led by LAANE, the Teamsters union, and NRDC—leveraged this contracting power to win passage of the landmark 2008 Clean Truck Program, which committed trucking companies seeking to enter the Los Angeles port to a double conversion: of dirty to clean fuel trucks (thus reducing pollution) and of independent contractor to employee drivers (thus enabling unionization). However, the program’s labor centerpiece—employee conversion—was invalidated by an industry preemption lawsuit that went all the way to the United States Supreme Court. As a result, the policy gains from a blue-green campaign built on mutual interest were split apart and reallocated, resulting in environmental victory but labor setback. Why the coalition won the local policy battle but lost in court—and how the labor movement responded to this legal setback through an innovative strategy to maneuver around preemption—are the central questions this chapter explores.


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