Political Roles: Who Needs to Know?

Author(s):  
Arthur Lupia

Up to this point in the book, we have established that educators’ ability to develop and defend claims about the benefits of conveying certain types of information depends on the logic of competence, a prospective learner’s values, and framing decisions. For the purpose of this chapter, I proceed as if an educator has developed such a defense and turn attention to an important procedural question. To increase a competence, who needs to know what? For example, citizens have opportunities to vote for other people (i.e., candidates) who then make decisions on their behalf. If an educator is seeking to increase a competence using a criterion that produces particular kinds of policy outcomes, then competence depends not only on citizens’ direct actions, but also on the subsequent actions of those whom they elect. Suppose, for example, that an educator’s goal is to increase math proficiency among second-graders in a given school district. If a citizen votes for a school board candidate who voices the same desire, this vote is not sufficient to produce the desired outcome. That candidate must actually win the election—which requires votes from other voters. If elected, the candidate must work with other school board members to write the desired policies and then must count on others, such as school district employees, to enforce the policies. If we evaluate a citizen’s school board voting competence by whether it makes increased math proficiency more likely, many decisions other than her vote affect the evaluation. As a result, the kinds of information that can increase this competence depend on how the voter can use them. Variations in political roles affect who needs to know what. By political role, I mean a person’s opportunities to affect political outcomes. Some individuals, like a president or governor, have roles with great authority. Their singular actions can change important social outcomes. Other roles carry less political authority—such as being one of several million voters in a two-candidate election whose lone vote is unlikely to affect who wins the election.

2020 ◽  
pp. 715-732
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Kurebwa

This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.


1979 ◽  
Vol 79 ◽  
pp. 511-528 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Raddock

This paper attempts to assess just how much and in what ways behaviour has changed between the generation that experienced the Son-fan, Wu-fan Campaign in 1951–52 and the generation that pitched itself into the Cultural Revolution of 1966–69. We focus in the first instance on the confluence of the San-fan with a thought reform movement in the schools in 1951–52, in which students “drew a clear line of demarcation between self and family,” often denouncing their parents, and in which a youth vanguard forced their teachers as well to criticize themselves. Impressionistic comparisons between that campaign and the Cultural Revolution of the ways in which adoles-cents tried to establish continuity between patterns of behaviour learned in childhood and adult social-political roles may reveal differences in the direction and nature of their rebelliousness and may reflect changes in family relationships and in socialization patterns.


2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Giosi ◽  
Marco Caiffa

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to assess the differential impact on the stock market of statements made by and information about directors and companies who are politically connected, compared to directors and companies with no political connections. The authors also analyze the role played by state-owned enterprises (SOEs), which the authors have identified as politically connected companies because most board members are appointed by political authorities. Furthermore, the boundaries and institutional environment within which SOEs operate are likely to be different from private companies.Design/methodology/approachThe sample is composed of over 60,000 news articles on the boards of directors (both with political roles and without political roles) of listed Italian companies in the period 1998–2013. On that sample the authors run a regression analysis under the signaling theory approach.FindingsResults suggest a positive effect on market capitalization associated with individual political connections. This effect decreases when the political connection extends to the whole enterprise although it still remains, while a negative effect is associated with state-controlled enterprises. The impact of negative news content does not change depending on whether a board member has a political role or not.Originality/valuePrevious research has demonstrated a causal link between stock prices and their reaction to corporate news (Engelberg and Parsons, 2011; Peress, 2014), but no studies have quantified the different reactions that occur when the news mentions politically connected companies and individuals who hold a political role.


Author(s):  
George Tsebelis

This chapter compares the policy and political outcomes that followed from the institutional structures generated by the European Convention, the Treaty of Lisbon, and the default outcome of a failure of negotiations during the process of European integration, the Treaty of Nice. The institutions produced under these different arrangements empowered different actors to create the policies of the EU. The comparison is based on the theory of veto players and is aimed at demonstrating the potential differences in policy outcomes for the EU had future policies been made in each of these institutional settings. In particular, it focuses on the effects of different institutional arrangements on the democratic deficit and the extent to which they strengthen the capacity of the judiciary powers and the bureaucracy to create policies independently from electorally accountable actors.


2021 ◽  
Vol 103 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-68
Author(s):  
Rachel S. White ◽  
Mark Y. Lineburg

In response to a column by Joshua Starr about how superintendents act as buffers between the school district and the community, Rachel S. White and Mark Lineburg suggest that school board members must also serve a buffering function. They encourage school board members and superintendents to work in concert when making decisions and communicating those decisions to the community. Specifically, they stress the importance of centering students in their decision making and of creating a shared language about the decisions they have made.


Author(s):  
Tyler K. Wasson ◽  

Corporate political activity (CPA) is one of the most prolific academic literatures which examines the political behaviors of corporations. CPA researchers often define it as a non-market strategy which corporations can engage in to influence political outcomes that complement their market objectives. In this paper I argue that, despite continuous theoretical development, CPA has not kept pace with changes in the political role and behaviors of corporations, particularly multinational corporations (MNCs), which has resulted in an inaccurate view of the corporate political environment. Therefore, CPA theory ought to be updated to be more descriptively and theoretically accurate.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marytza Gawlik ◽  
Ann Allen

Purpose Analyzing data collected from the charter school board members and the superintendent in a charter school district in a southeastern state about the quality and usefulness of training, the purpose of this paper is to provide an important foundation for understanding training and development for charter school boards in the USA. Design/methodology/approach This study uses a qualitative case study approach to examine a charter school district and the preparedness of charter school board members to serve in that district. The authors sampled one charter school district in the southeast region of the USA and interviewed five charter school board members and the superintendent. Findings The first theme is composition and responsibility of charter school board members, which outlines the roles and responsibilities that charter school board members assume when they serve on this charter district board. The second theme is preparedness to serve, which traces the readiness of charter school board members to serve on a board. The final theme is training and documents related to the kind of training charter school board members receive once they are appointed to the board. Originality/value This study provides a conceptual framework about the dimensions and standards associated with preparedness to serve as a charter school board member and broadens the authors’ understanding of the roles and responsibilities of charter school boards, their preparedness to serve and the training and development they receive.


2020 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-101
Author(s):  
SIMONE A. FRIED

In this portrait, Simone A. Fried investigates the first six months of a state education department's takeover of a public school district. Using interviews, observations, and artifact analysis, the article explores how school district employees experience the significant reorganization of governance structures and policies that accompanies receivership, illustrating the challenges of managing the “human side” of reform, particularly during the chaotic initial period of a new initiative. The portrait highlights a tension inherent to takeover policy: the state's dual role in providing both support and sanction generates fear and uncertainty in the very communities where they must also build trust, vision, and motivation for change.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi L. Schnackenberg ◽  
Michael J. Heymann

T. McDonough Central School District, located in a small city in upstate New York, is looking to invest some of its budget in new resources for Hawkins Elementary School. The School Board is strongly considering equipping each classroom in the school with interactive whiteboards. However, prior to doing so, the Board is inquiring about how the technology is currently being used. They are seeking input from teachers, students, parents, and other faculty members who have been exposed to the technology about this large-scale budget decision. For each stakeholder, the value and usefulness of the interactive whiteboards are different. Given the school board’s proposed spending initiative, the entire school community appears to be debating how to spend this money and what future interactive whiteboards may have in their schools and classrooms.


Mnemosyne ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Benjamin Sammons

Abstract In Odyssey Book 3, Nestor relates how a quarrel between the Atreidae led to a split of the Achaean army over departure from Troy. This story implies a representation of Agamemnon and Menelaus, their relationship, and their respective political roles, that is not reconcilable with that of the Iliad. I argue that Nestor’s tale reflects a tradition whose influence is visible in later texts, particularly the Cyclic Nostoi and some dramas of Euripides. While the Iliad clearly ignores this tradition, its language betrays some awareness of it; and in a few cases it is arguable that the Iliad alludes indirectly to a very different conception of Menelaus’s political role in the expedition against Troy.


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