Different Strategies for Different Countries

Author(s):  
Fritz Heimann

This chapter focuses on the different strategies applied by different countries in combatting corruption. Countries with strong democratic institutions typically have checks and balances in place to curb corruption. The most important checks and balances are access to information, independent and effective judicial systems, freedom of the press, and active civil society. These create transparency and accountability as a result of which abuses can be identified and addressed. In countries with weaker democratic institutions, transparency and accountability are insufficient to bring abuses to the surface until they reach a high level. However, popular support for reforms will be aroused by prominent scandals. In these countries the focus should be on strengthening access to information laws, independence of the judiciary and the media, and civil society organizations. The chapter also covers autocratic governments, China, and working with Russia. It concludes with providing a perspective on long-term strategies.

Author(s):  
Mona Ali Duaij ◽  
Ahlam Ahmed Issa

All the Iraqi state institutions and civil society organizations should develop a deliberate systematic policy to eliminate terrorism contracted with all parts of the economic, social, civil and political institutions and important question how to eliminate Daash to a terrorist organization hostile and if he country to eliminate the causes of crime and punish criminals and not to justify any type of crime of any kind, because if we stayed in the curriculum of justifying legitimate crime will deepen our continued terrorism, but give it legitimacy formula must also dry up the sources of terrorism media and private channels and newspapers that have abused the Holy Prophet Muhammad (p) and all kinds of any of their source (a sheei or a Sunni or Christians or Sabians) as well as from the religious aspect is not only the media but a meeting there must be cooperation of both parts of the state facilities and most importantly limiting arms possession only state you can not eliminate terrorism and violence, and we see people carrying arms without the name of the state and remains somewhat carefree is sincerity honesty and patriotism the most important motivation for the elimination of violence and terrorism and cooperation between parts of the Iraqi people and not be driven by a regional or global international schemes want to kill nations and kill our bodies of Sunnis, sheei , Christians, Sabean and Yazidi and others.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (6) ◽  
pp. 1031-1038
Author(s):  
Robin Van Leeckwyck ◽  
Pieter Maeseele ◽  
Maud Peeters ◽  
David Domingo

Belgium was one of the first European countries to establish a local ‘national’ branch of the global Indymedia network. The diversity of those involved in this ‘national movement’ ultimately turned out to be both the strength of the original website and the cause of its decline. Indeed, due to political and organizational disagreement, many activists decided to create their own ‘local’ Independent Media Centre (IMC). This article distinguishes two perspectives on the role of Indymedia: the political activists saw Indymedia as a means to an end, as an instrument to discuss strategies and tactics, and to coordinate social movements and grassroots movements. The media activists, on the contrary, saw Indymedia as an end in itself, as a platform for civil society organizations to make their voices heard and facilitate democratic debate – in this vein, the experience of Indymedia.be was transformed into the alternative news site DeWereldMorgen.be.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (11) ◽  
pp. 1648-1676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Rasmussen ◽  
Stefanie Reher

Since Tocqueville linked the quality of democracy in America to its vibrant civic culture, studies have explored the relationship between social capital and the quality of governance. Yet, few have examined the mechanisms between individual components of social capital and democracy in depth. This study focuses on the link between one component of social capital, civil society engagement, and the linkage between public opinion and policy. It argues that engagement in associations with an interest in the policy issue may stimulate correspondence between public opinion and policy through their ability to collect and disseminate information to policy makers and the public. The analysis of 20 specific policy issues from 30 European countries confirms these expectations: Issues that experience a high level of associational engagement display a stronger relationship between public opinion and policy. The findings underline the role civil society organizations can play in policy representation beyond engaging in interest advocacy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-319
Author(s):  
Mounah Abdel-Samad

AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.


Significance That Greece’s largest-selling daily newspaper Ta Nea (established in 1931) and DOL’s flagship Sunday newspaper To Vima (established in 1922) have suspended publication has sent shock waves through society and the media. It is a turning point in the long-term economic decline of the Greek media, which have been hard hit by the crisis. The decline has coincided with the more recent drive of the Syriza/Independent Greeks (Anel) coalition government for media control. Last month, DOL owner Stavros Psycharis, who faces charges of tax evasion and money laundering, appealed to the board of Syriza party newspaper Avgi for help. Impacts The government's efforts to control the media will undermine the anti-establishment rhetoric it employed before coming to power. Long-term dependence on bank loans and tax breaks and economic decline will aggravate the media’s lack of independence. DOL’s troubles will have wider ramifications as it holds shares in the popular Mega TV channel. If government attempts to control more of the media fail, it will show that checks and balances still exist in Greece’s democracy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 355-402
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot ◽  
Pratinav Anil

This chapter deals with the regime’s few opponents. The resistance came from sections of the press, judiciary, political class and civil society—albeit in a feeble manner. The deficient performance of the media, in particular, was highlighted by Advani’s phrase: ‘When you were merely asked to bend, you chose to crawl.’ The political opposition was comprised of socialists, Hindu nationalists, Akali Dal and CPI(M) cadres, and revolutionaries were among the many who went underground and resisted the regime. The chapter describes the resistance as uneven and unimpressive, plagued by factionalism and tokenistic gestures. The chapter goes on to characterise the Emergency as a dictatorship by consent.


elni Review ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 68-73
Author(s):  
Eckard Rehbinder

The United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) took place in Rio de Janeiro between 20 and 22 June 2012. Against the backdrop of a worsening global environment it dealt with a broad range of issues of policy for sustainable development at international, regional, national, and local levels, including reform of the UN institutions in the field of sustainable development. The conference was the largest of all UN summits on environment and sustainable development ever held as from 1972, assembling, apart from representatives of governments and intergovernmental organisations, about 40,000 participants form the press and stakeholder organisations. Around the conference, a great number of - partly high level - side events were held. The conference was concluded with a Declaration ('Outcome of the Conference') named 'The Future we want'. The author of this article shares some critical comments on the summit outcome. Among other things, he believes that Rio+20 produced only few tangible results and that in particular the whole concept of sustainable development has remained open-ended. Nevertheless, he thinks that a major achievement of the Conference has been the firm commitment by states to increase the role of public participation, especially at the international level, and that the enormous activation of civil society that occurred in the preparation of and during the conference will leave its stamp on future developments.


2008 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marlies Glasius

As a new justice institution, the International Criminal Court (ICC) needs to gain legitimacy not just with states but also in civil society, both at the global level and in the societies in which it intervenes. This article, based on interviews, NGO documents, newspaper articles, and participatory observation, looks at civil-society relations with the ICC in relation to its most recent and least publicized investigation—that in the Central African Republic (CAR). It charts the role of civil-society organizations, local and international, in the opening of the investigation, and it discusses the initial responses to the investigation of civil-society figures and victims in the CAR. It finds that unlike in any of the other situations, the ICC's involvement in the CAR has been largely instigated by local civil-society figures and that, as a result, it operates in a quite receptive context. However, the slow pace of investigations and trials, the meager outreach to date, and the court's probable lack of capacity to provide victims with physical and material security are long-term challenges for its ability to meet local expectations of justice.


1969 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan A Liang

Many potentially useful medicines arise from developing countries’ biodiverse environments as well as from indigenous community knowledge. This bioprospecting has become an important strategy in drug discovery and development. However, global intellectual property rules have resulted in biopiracy, where public and private entities have exploited natural and ethnic resources without benefit sharing with indigenous peoples. Sovereign-based approaches have not led to adequate biodiversity management. There is tremendous opportunity for public-private partnerships to fill this void. Coupling pharmaceutical companies with indigenous peoples, civil society organizations, and country academics, long term, trust-based relationships can provide equitable benefits sharing and effective biodiversity management.


2015 ◽  
Vol 112 (19) ◽  
pp. 6122-6127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hugo Tapia ◽  
Lindsey Young ◽  
Douglas Fox ◽  
Carolyn R. Bertozzi ◽  
Douglas Koshland

Diverse organisms capable of surviving desiccation, termed anhydrobiotes, include species from bacteria, yeast, plants, and invertebrates. However, most organisms are sensitive to desiccation, likely due to an assortment of different stresses such as protein misfolding and aggregation, hyperosmotic stress, membrane fracturing, and changes in cell volume and shape leading to an overcrowded cytoplasm and metabolic arrest. The exact stress(es) that cause lethality in desiccation-sensitive organisms and how the lethal stresses are mitigated in desiccation-tolerant organisms remain poorly understood. The presence of trehalose in anhydrobiotes has been strongly correlated with desiccation tolerance. In the yeastSaccharomyces cerevisiae, trehalose is essential for survival after long-term desiccation. Here, we establish that the elevation of intracellular trehalose in dividing yeast by its import from the media converts yeast from extreme desiccation sensitivity to a high level of desiccation tolerance. This trehalose-induced tolerance is independent of utilization of trehalose as an energy source, de novo synthesis of other stress effectors, or the metabolic effects of trehalose biosynthetic intermediates, indicating that a chemical property of trehalose is directly responsible for desiccation tolerance. Finally, we demonstrate that elevated intracellular maltose can also make dividing yeast tolerant to short-term desiccation, indicating that other disaccharides have stress effector activity. However, trehalose is much more effective than maltose at conferring tolerance to long-term desiccation. The effectiveness and sufficiency of trehalose as an antagonizer of desiccation-induced damage in yeast emphasizes its potential to confer desiccation tolerance to otherwise sensitive organisms.


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