Golden Parachutes

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ozan O. Varol
Keyword(s):  
Transition Process ◽  
Window Of Opportunity ◽  
Primary Methods ◽  
Golden Parachutes ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military

After the military topples a dictator in a democratic coup, the coup makers supervise a transition process to democracy during which they remain in charge for a temporary period. After they transfer power to civilians, the coup makers’ bargaining powers are greatly reduced and their future is subject to the whims of fickle civilian politicians. Coup makers may therefore use the window of opportunity their temporary rule presents to protect their interests in the future democratic state. Militaries attempt to protect their interests using three primary methods: direct, institutional, and procedural. This chapter discusses these methods and analyzes their consequences.

Physical Training-Basic Component in the Training of the Future Officers

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-308
Author(s):  
Fabiana Martinescu-Bădălan
Keyword(s):  
Physical Training ◽  
Mental Effort ◽  
Basic Component ◽  
Self Confidence ◽  
Development Of Resistance ◽  
Development Experience ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military

AbstractThis work is designed to challenge the maintenance of the highest standards of physical training required to perform armed tasks. It is desired to accumulate a development experience that will culminate with the set upof very well-trained leaders. The training of the military is based on physical training. It ensures the possibility and availability of the military to cope with combat missions, obligations in the military environment, ensures the maintenance and development of resistance to intense physical and mental effort, and develops self-confidence and teamwork. The physical training considers the fulfillment of some general objectives and of some specific objectives, absolutely necessary in the conditions of carrying out the combat actions.

To ‘midwife’ – and abort – a democracy: Mauritania's transition from military rule, 2005–2008

2009 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boubacar N'Diaye
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political System ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

ABSTRACTThe 3 August 2005 military coup was Mauritania's best opportunity to turn the page on decades of the deposed quasi-military regime's destructive politics. This article critically analyses relevant aspects of the transition that ensued in the context of the prevailing models of military withdrawal from politics in Africa. It also examines the challenges that Mauritania's short-lived Third Republic faced. It argues that the transition process did not escape the well-known African military junta leader's proclivity to manipulate transitions to fulfil suddenly awakened self-seeking political ambitions, in violation of solemn promises. While there was no old-fashioned ballot stuffing to decide electoral outcomes, Mauritania's junta leader and his lieutenants spared no effort to keep the military very much involved in politics, and to perpetuate a strong sense of entitlement to political power. Originally designed as an ingenious ‘delayed self-succession’ of sorts, in the end, another coup aborted Mauritania's democratisation process and threw its institutions in a tailspin. This only exacerbated the challenges that have saddled Mauritania's political system and society for decades – unhealthy civil-military relations, a dismal ‘human rights deficit’, terrorism, and a neo-patrimonial, disastrously mismanaged economy.

How ISIS Fights

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omar Ashour
Keyword(s):  
Nonstate Actors ◽  
Combat Effectiveness ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military

How can a widely hated, massively outnumbered and ludicrously outgunned organisation expands to occupy over 120 cities, towns and villages from the Southern Philippines to Western Libya? How can it endure and survive a military coalition of over 150 armed state and nonstate actors? How did ISIS/IS and their predecessors fight? And how can we account for their combat effectiveness? This book describes and analyses how ISIS/IS fights in Iraq, Syria, Libya and Egypt. It analyses the military-making of ISIS/IS and their predecessors. The analysis focuses on 17 urban battles in Fallujah, Mosul, Ramadi, Raqqa (City and Governorate), Derna, Sirte and Northeastern Sinai. The book is based on fieldwork, dozens of interviews with soldiers and fighters who engaged ISIS/IS and their predecessors, and hundreds of ISIS/IS combat-relevant publications, audio- and video-releases. The findings contribute to our understanding of insurgencies’ combat effectiveness and offer insights on how ISIS/IS, like-minded organisations, and other armed nonstate actors may or will fight in the future.

scholarly journals Coup-Proofing and Civil War

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jun Koga Sudduth
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
The Other ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
The Future ◽  
Face Threats ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

Political leaders face threats to their power from within and outside the regime. Leaders can be removed via a coup d’état undertaken by militaries that are part of the state apparatus. At the same time, leaders can lose power when they confront excluded opposition groups in civil wars. The difficulty for leaders, though, is that efforts to address one threat might leave them vulnerable to the other threat due to the role of the military as an institution of violence capable of exercising coercive power. On one hand, leaders need to protect their regimes from rebels by maintaining strong militaries. Yet, militaries that are strong enough to prevail against rebel forces are also strong enough to execute a coup successfully. On the other hand, leaders who cope with coup threats by weakening their militaries’ capabilities to organize a coup also diminish the very capabilities that they need to defeat their rebel challengers. This unfortunate trade-off between protection by the military and protection from the military has been the long-standing theme in studies of civil-military relations and coup-proofing. Though most research on this subject has focused primarily on rulers’ maneuvers to balance the threats posed by the military and the threats coming from foreign adversaries, more recent scholarship has begun to explore how leaders’ efforts to cope with coup threats will influence the regime’s abilities to address the domestic threats coming from rebel groups, and vice versa. This new wave of research focuses on two related vectors. First, scholars address whether leaders who pursue coup-proofing strategies that weaken their militaries’ capabilities also increase the regime’s vulnerability to rebel threats and the future probability of civil war. Second, scholars examine how the magnitude of threats posed by rebel groups will determine leaders’ strategies toward the militaries, and how these strategies affect both the militaries’ influence over government policy and the future probability of coup onsets. These lines of research contribute to the conflict literature by examining the causal mechanisms through which civil conflict influences coup propensity and vice versa. The literatures on civil war and coups have developed independently without much consideration of each other, and systematic analyses of the linkage between them have only just began.

Safe burn excision prior to military repatriation: an achievable goal?

2018 ◽  
Vol 164 (5) ◽  
pp. 358-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ojas Pujji ◽  
S L A Jeffery
Keyword(s):  
Patient Outcomes ◽  
Gold Standard ◽  
Standard Treatment ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The Future ◽  
Achievable Goal ◽  
Partial Thickness Burns ◽  
The Military ◽  
Improve Patient

Burn excision is the gold standard treatment for full thickness and some deep partial thickness burns. Early burn excision (24–96 hours) has been shown to improve patient outcomes. However, in the military setting, transporting the patient to a centre which can provide this procedure can be delayed. Especially as control of airspace in the future may be hampered due to the political landscape. For this reason, focus on how to achieve safer burn excision prior to repatriation should be addressed. This paper considers the barriers to early burn excision in the military setting and offers potential solutions for the future.

Forms of Things Unknown

2020 ◽  
pp. 168-175
Author(s):  
Jonathan R. Eller
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Keynote Address ◽  
World War ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military

Bradbury advanced his visionary role through his keynote address for NASA’s 1987 Goddard Memorial Dinner. Chapter 24 documents how he established a balance between criticism and motivation in spite of his mistrust of the military industrial establishment represented at the event. The chapter also discusses The Toynbee Convector and the importance of the title story, which offers Toynbee’s “challenge and response” insight as the best illustration of Bradbury’s self-perceived purpose as a writer: to show how humanity can shape the future by believing in it to the point of certainty. The chapter concludes with his summer trip to France and his journey to the grave of his uncle Samuel Bradbury, felled by influenza in the final days of World War I.

Processes of Constitutional Transitions in the Face of Territorial Cleavages

2019 ◽  
pp. 330-351
Author(s):  
Cheryl Saunders
Keyword(s):  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
Constitutional Amendments ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Postponement

This chapter discusses the implications of territorial cleavages for the process of constitutional transition by drawing on the experiences of various countries such as Bolivia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Ethiopia, India, Iraq, Nepal, Philippines, Scotland, Spain, Sri Lanka, and Ukraine. It first considers four variables that are likely to affect the process for constitutional transition within a state in which there are significant cleavages along territorial lines: the nature of transition, the nature of territorial cleavage, the challenges confronting statehood, and the involvement of international actors. It then examines four dimensions of the processes of transition that may be influenced by territorial cleavages: phases of the transition process, agenda setting, deliberation and ratification, and implementation and other matters. Finally, it explains how constitutional transitions are shaped by the postponement of final decisions on key matters through deliberate ambiguity, incomplete prescription or reliance on the future operation of rules on constitutional amendments.

A History of the Future: Carolyn Wood Sherif, Equitable Knowledge, and Feminist Psychology

2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 422-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeanne Marecek
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Sociology Of Science ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
Boundary Crossing ◽  
Feminist Psychology ◽  
The Future ◽  
Institutional Relations ◽  
Narrow Space ◽  
The Military ◽  
Thought Styles

Writing some 40 years ago, Carolyn Wood Sherif left a legacy of critical reflections on the fledgling field of feminist psychology. Here I read her work, not as a record of the past, but with an eye to the future. In the two works I consider in this essay, Sherif offered a scrutiny of the knowledge-producing practices and social relations of the psychology of her time, as well as an agenda for feminist research practice. I draw on Ludwik Fleck’s sociology of science to reflect on Sherif’s thoughts. For Fleck, scientific communities are thought collectives with characteristic styles of thinking that come to seem like objective reality. Sherif took issue with many thought styles of orthodox psychology, particularly the dicta that limited psychological inquiry to narrow space-time frameworks, thus erasing culture, history, and social structure. In addition, Sherif advocated for a critical consciousness of the institutional relations of psychology, in particular the ways that psychology buttressed and was buttressed by the military. Sherif’s concerns remain urgent today. I urge readers to join epistemological debates and boundary-crossing conversations. I also call on readers to join with social critics in examining the discipline’s place as a social institution.

Controlling Blue Berets: The Consequences of Political Neglect in the Case of Uruguay’s Participation in Peacekeeping

2019 ◽  
pp. 0095327X1987721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julián González Guyer ◽  
Nicole Jenne
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Test ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Civilian Control ◽  
Policy Management ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

Peacekeeping has widely been seen as conducive to submit the military to democratic rule. We put the assumption to an empirical test based on the case of Uruguay, today a fully democratic state that has consistently ranked among the world’s top peacekeeping contributors per capita. Specifically, we ask whether participation in peacekeeping has increased civilian control over the military. To answer this question, we focus on three aspects of democratic civil–military relations: civilian oversight, civilian policy management, and armed forces–society relations. We conclude that peacekeeping has done little to trigger greater involvement of civilians in the area of military and defense policy but that it contributed to reduce the gap between the armed forces and society. Nevertheless, due to political neglect by civilian authorities, the state of civil–military relations is one of subordinate military autonomy short of ideal, even if it does not represent a threat to democratic rule.

The Emerging New Politics of Liberalizing Paraguay: Sustained Civil-Military Control without Democracy

1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul C. Sondrol
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Transition Process ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
New Politics ◽  
Major Subject ◽  
Military Control ◽  
The Military

The Process of the transition from authoritarianism to more representative forms of government has become a major subject of the scholarship on Latin American politics today (O'Donnell, et al, 1986; Malloy and Seligson, 1987; Stepan, 1989; Diamond et al, 1988-1990; Lowenthal, 1991). Given this interest, as expressed by the growing literature in this area, little attention has been paid to the transition process now going on in Paraguay, which is now emerging from one of Latin America's most long-standing authoritarian regimes.A number of studies testify to the authoritarian nature of Paraguay's government and society. Johnson indicates that Paraguay ranked either 18th or 19th—out of 20 Latin American nations ... in 9 successive surveys of democratic development, carried out at 5-year intervals from 1945 to 1985 (Jonnson> 1988). A longitudinal study of press freedom found that Paraguay was invariably placed in the category of “poor,” or even “none,” between 1945-1975 (Hill and Hurley, 1980). When Palmer applied his 5 indicators of authoritarianism (nonelective rule, coups, primacy of the military, military rule, executive predominance) to the countries of Latin America, Paraguay consistently ranked first in its degree of authoritarianism (Palmer, 1977).

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