Epilogue

2019 ◽  
pp. 220-222
Author(s):  
Kevin Vallier

THIS BOOK ASKS WHETHER politics under conditions of deep diversity must be institutionalized aggression—war—between opposing groups. As we have seen, a regime of liberal constitutional rights can be publicly justified. It can serve as the basis of social trust and so, over time, form moral peace between persons. In a liberal regime, politics will be a process of public negotiation among persons who profoundly disagree but who are still able to trust one another to act according to their shared moral and political constitutions....

2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (8) ◽  
pp. 1017-1037 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Bellamy

The distinctive domain and character of public law have become—and in certain respects always were—unclear and, to a degree, contested. As a result, any definition is likely to be to some extent stipulative. For my purposes, I want to refer to public law in two broad and related senses—as applying to a certain kind of body and its functions, and as requiring a certain kind of justification. The first sense refers to the actions of the state and its administration. Of course, it will be pointed out that these are increasingly performed by private bodies and often involve legal activities that have been associated with private parties and doctrines, such as procurement and contract. Nevertheless, government and the administrative apparatus more generally can still be considered as possessing distinctively broad, authoritative, and coercive powers which in various ways make their subjection to the law both problematic and pressing: Problematic in that they play a central role in the making and enforcement of the law, pressing in that this role renders them more powerful than other bodies. The second sense enters here. For the justification of state power has come to rest on its serving the public ends of the ruled rather than private ends of the rulers, and certain public qualities of law have been thought to oblige those who wield state power to do so in a publically justified and justifiable way. Ruling through laws has been viewed as different from rule by willful, ad hoc commands because laws have certain characteristics that render them capable of coordinating and shaping public behavior in consistent and coherent ways over time, while ruling under the law likewise forces rulers to adopt public processes and offers an additional incentive to devise laws that treat rulers and ruled equitably. Again, these matters are far from straightforward. How far laws need to, or even can, always possess the requisite qualities and the degree to which these do constrain power holders are matters of dispute. Yet, that all law has to have some public qualities—for example, that it be promulgated and capable of being followed in ways that make it publicly recognized as law—and that these features formalize power to a degree, is reasonably undisputed. Increasingly, though, and even more controversially, many jurists have wanted to suggest that legality also involves certain substantive qualities of a public kind—that laws must appeal to public reasons that all subject to them can accept as reflecting, or being compatible with certain basic interests or values that are equally shared by all. Such arguments have come to be identified with rights and in particular constitutional rights, which are deemed to set the terms of how and to what purpose political power may be legally exercised. In this way, the two senses of public law come together. Constitutional rights define and mark the limits of public power in ways that can be publicly justified, and thereby ensure it serves public ends. They thereby serve what Martin Loughlin calls the “basic tasks of public law;” namely, “the constitution, maintenance and regulation of governmental authority.”


Author(s):  
Jud Mathews

Constitutional rights protect individuals against government overreaching, but that is not all they do. In different ways and to different degrees, constitutional rights also regulate legal relations among private parties in most legal systems. In other words, rights can have not only a vertical effect, within the hierarchical relationship between citizen and state, but also a horizontal one, on the citizen-to-citizen relationships otherwise governed by private law. In every constitutional system with judicially enforceable constitutional rights, courts must make choices about whether, when, and how to give those rights horizontal effect. This book is about how different courts make those choices, and about the consequences that they have. The doctrines that courts build to manage the horizontal effect of rights speak to the most fundamental issues that constitutional systems address, about the nature of rights and of constitutionalism itself. These doctrines can also entrench or enhance judicial power, but in very different ways depending on the legal system. This book offers three case studies, of Germany, the United States, and Canada. For each, it offers a detailed account of the horizontal effect jurisprudence of its apex court—not in isolation, but as a central feature of a broader account of that country’s constitutional development. The case studies show how the choices courts make about horizontal rights reflect existing normative and political realities and, over time, help to shape new ones.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Kevin Vallier

This introduction reviews the challenges posed by falling social and political trust and increasing political polarization, especially in the United States. In particular, falling trust and increasing political conflict raises the question of whether political life is invariably a struggle for victory between groups with incompatible goals and principles. The introduction frames the problem in terms of the need to determine which institutional structures can sustain social trust between persons with diverse viewpoints and values. It then outlines the general argument of the book, which is that liberal institutions, political systems marked by extensive, equal constitutional rights and liberties, have the unique capacity to sustain social trust in conflicted times.


2021 ◽  
pp. 251484862110453
Author(s):  
David Brown ◽  
Alice Mah ◽  
Gordon Walker

Around the world, people living close to polluting industries have different perceptions of the risks of toxic exposure, ranging from anger to acceptance to denial. We draw attention to a case with relatively high levels of social trust, but also relatively high levels of risk perception: the communities living adjacent to the Fawley (UK) oil refinery and petrochemical complex, a site that has been operated by Esso since the early 1950s. Our findings are based on a novel comparative analysis of two qualitative studies of local risk perceptions in Fawley conducted more than two decades apart in 1997 and 2019, incorporating focus group and individual interviews with residents, alongside documentary analysis and stakeholder interviews. Perceptions of risk and trust in the local polluting industry have fluctuated over the years, with unease never far from the surface as industrial employment has slowly contracted. Yet overall, the picture in 2019 was not too dissimilar from that in 1997: while community–industry relations were strained amidst periodic risk incidents and a sense of decline, a cautious sense of trust in the polluting enterprise had endured, based on a delicate balance of heritage, risk, and recognition. We draw attention to the residents’ careful reckoning with risks over time and the tenacity of social trust as an act of negotiation that took risk into account but also included other important factors such as recognition and reciprocity. Local risk perceptions in Fawley are closely bound up with the residents’ shared industrial heritage and enduring perceptions of Esso as a ‘good neighbour’. Our longitudinal analysis allowed us to reflect on changes over time in Fawley, providing greater temporal depth to the risk perception literature.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Orestes P Hastings

Does income inequality reduce social trust? Although both popular and scholarly accounts have argued that income inequality reduces trust, some recent research has been more skeptical, noting these claims are more robust cross-sectionally than longitudinally. Furthermore, although multiple mechanisms have been proposed for why inequality could affect trust, these have rarely been tested explicitly. I examine the effect of state-level income inequality on trust using the 1973–2012 General Social Surveys. I find little evidence that states that have been more unequal over time have less trusting people. There is some evidence that the growth in income inequality is linked with a decrease in trust, but these effects are sensitive to how time is accounted for. While much previous inequality and trust research has focused on status anxiety, this mechanism receives the little support, but mechanisms based on social fractionalization and on exploitation and resentment receive some support. This analysis improves on previous estimates of the effect of state-level inequality on trust by using far more available observations, accounting for more potential individual and state level confounders, and using higher-quality income inequality data based on annual IRS tax returns. It also contributes to our understanding of the mechanism(s) through which inequality may affect trust.


Author(s):  
Timothy Zick

The Introduction accomplishes several things. It emphasizes the central subject matter of the book, which is the relationships between freedom of speech and other (“non-speech”) constitutional rights. The Introduction also discusses different conceptions of constitutional rights—as textual guarantees, trumps of governmental power, and rhetorical devices. It emphasizes the relational character of rights and introduces the concept of Rights Dynamism, which is the process by which rights intersections occur. The Introduction highlights the bidirectional relationship between freedom of speech and non-speech rights, noting that interactions between these rights have influenced interpretation of both the Free Speech Clause and the rights it has interacted with over time. It describes the facilitative and mediating functions of freedom of speech, as well as the conflicts between free speech and non-speech guarantees. Finally, it introduces the concept of Rights Pluralism, which is defined and defended more fully in the book’s final chapter.


2019 ◽  
pp. 199-219
Author(s):  
Kevin Vallier

This chapter argues that only broadly liberal institutions can be publicly justified. Some citizens will have sufficient reason to reject nonliberal rights schemas, as well as the constitutional and legal rules that institutionalize those schemas. But because liberal constitutional rights can be publicly justified to a diverse public, these liberal rights can sustain social trust in the right way. Thus, a society that protects liberal rights establishes moral peace and a politics that is not war. This chapter uses a thin veil of ignorance to locate specific classes of publicly justified primary rights. These rights fall into five classes: rights of agency, associational rights, jurisdictional rights, procedural rights, and international rights. The chapter ends by developing an associated conception of social justice and explains how rights should be built into a publicly justified constitution.


Author(s):  
Emily Zackin

This concluding chapter clarifies that the book has refuted the claim that positive rights are outside the American constitutional tradition by investigating the various campaigns to add education and labor rights as well as rights to environmental protection to state constitutions. By including state constitutions in our view of American constitutionalism, many successful movements for positive constitutional rights become immediately apparent. The campaigns for positive rights have varied across states and over time, but each has worked for a more expansive government, one intended to protect people from threats other than a tyrannical state, and often from the dangers associated with unfettered capitalism. This chapter examines the exclusionary and racist side of the movements that championed positive rights and highlights the many, mutually influential connections between constitutional development at the state and federal levels.


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