Religion over All: 1866–1907

Author(s):  
James W. Sanders

The Boston-born son of Irish immigrants, Bishop John Williams concentrated his energies on building up the purely religious as well as the charitable activities of the Boston diocese during his forty-year reign. Despite his proclivity for Roman Catholic separateness, he never became an active advocate of parochial schools. His stance on the school question may have been determined by his failure to grasp the profound social changes that had taken place in his lifetime and his belief that Catholic families could remedy any deficiencies of the Protestant public schools. At the same time, a small network of local “schoolmen” pastors developed a nucleus of parochial schools. Ambitious Irishmen began emerging from the local wards as powerful Democratic Party politicians, even winning seats on the powerful School Committee and the mayoralty.

Author(s):  
James W. Sanders

John Fitzpatrick was the third Roman Catholic bishop of Boston. A Boston native and the son of Irish immigrants, he attended public schools, including the prestigious Boston Latin School. He enjoyed acceptance by the best of Boston society but seemed to fear causing offense to the Yankees while serving his struggling Irish immigrant flock, many of whom came to America in the wake of the Potato Famine. Although he privately supported efforts by others in the diocese, such as Father McElroy and the Sisters of Notre Dame, to open parochial schools, he took no action himself to establish a system of parochial schools as an alternative to the Protestant-run public schools. As such, the development of Catholic schooling was neglected in Boston during these years.


Author(s):  
James W. Sanders

Even though Cardinal O’Connell believed that Catholic schooling was the only adequate answer to the education of Catholic youth, he did not come close to fully implementing this conviction. Events in Boston largely took schooling out of O’Connell’s hands. By the 1910s, Irish Catholics had taken over the Boston public schools. Simultaneously, Irish politicians took over the city and a majority of Irish Catholics now controlled the Boston School Committee, appointing an Irish Catholic educator as the city’s school superintendent. By at least the 1920s, the public and parochial schools had taken giant steps toward one another in theory and practice under the leadership of the Catholics who presided over both systems. Though Cardinal O’Connell and his circle continued to preach the need for Catholic children to attend parochial schools, parents, most of whom had attended public schools themselves, knew that the public schools would not undermine their children’s faith.


Author(s):  
James W. Sanders

Benedict Fenwick, the second Roman Catholic bishop of Boston, had a rocky relationship both with the continued influx of Irish peasants and the Boston establishment. His priority was to lay the groundwork for Catholic higher education in Boston rather than establishing a parochial school system. Given that the Boston public schools presented a clear challenge to the faith of the Roman Catholic newcomers, one might expect that there would be a concerted counter-effort to provide a Catholic school alternative. However, the overall parochial school effort in Boston was much less than would have been expected. The major reasons for this “failure” were (1) the nature of the Catholic newcomers, who were overwhelmingly destitute Irish immigrants with no tradition of schooling in their homeland; (2) Bishop Fenwick’s background and personal characteristics; and (3) the policies adopted by the Boston establishment that controlled the public schools.


Author(s):  
James W. Sanders

In 1907, William Henry O’Connell, the Massachusetts-born son of Irish immigrants, was appointed bishop. He had huge churchly ambition and won designation as Cardinal Archbishop of Boston. However, his attempts to develop a complete parochial school system in the city met with limited success. This chapter explores the reasons for the discrepancy between O’Connell’s rhetoric and the reality. The major factors are the Irish community’s lack of a tradition of attending parochial schools, the small numbers of Catholics in Boston from ethnic groups that did support public schools, and the fact that most Boston Catholic parents and parish priests had always attended the public schools and emerged with their faith intact.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-311
Author(s):  
T. E. C.

The beginning of all growth studies in this country occurred less than a century ago when the Boston School Committee approved the following order permitting Henry Pickering Bowditch, Professor of Physiology at the Harvard Medical School, to measure and weigh children in the Boston public schools. This document is one of the great, and I believe little known, landmarks in modern pediatrics.1 In School Committee, March 9, 1875 Ordered, That permission be given to Prof. Henry P. Bowditch, of Harvard University, to ascertain the height and weight of the pupils attending the public school, through such an arrangement as the respective chairman and the headmaster, or masters, may deem most convenient.


Author(s):  
Tiago Pinto

This article explores the programmatic representations of Catholic Moral and Religious Education(EMRC) teachers, regarding the disciplineprogram, in public schools in the municipality of Porto (Portugal). Through a diachronic approach to the socio-religious panorama and Catholic religious teaching in Portuguese public schools, it is possible to identify, nowadays, new challenges for the Roman Catholic Church andforits school educators. The interviews carried out showed that teachers tend to consider the study planas limited, unmotivating and with excessive religious contents, so they proposed a subjectof moral and religious education not confined to the Catholic universe.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Daniel Duncan

ABSTRACT This article calls attention to the saliency of secondary education within the community and its utility in constructing social categories, in order to consider how it affects linguistic variation. Older St. Louisans draw on secondary education to construct a divide between those who attended Catholic high schools and those who attended public schools. I show that speakers in a sample of older St. Louisans differ in production of the thought vowel based on education type. This effect is weakened in apparent time when we consider a larger sample that includes both older and younger speakers. I draw on Brubaker's (2004) view of groups as events and actions to argue that these categories were indexed only while they had a high degree of groupness, and suggest that social changes that led to diminished groupness between Catholics and Publics also resulted in the loss of a linguistic distinction between the groups. (Education, groups, Northern Cities Shift, Catholicism)*


1989 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 504-520 ◽  

Mel King is an activist, politician, educator, and lifelong resident of the South End in Boston,Massachusetts. His passion is transformation: finding ways to support human development,learning for life, and social change for justice. For thirty years King has been a strong and active force in the development of the Black community in Boston. His role in community education and development is expansive. He has, among many other activities, worked for his community as an elected official; served as a state representative to the Massachusetts legislature for twelve years; and run as a candidate for mayor of Boston. King has always worked with young people in and out of schools, on the streets and in community centers; he was active in organizing youths and parents to desegregate Boston's public schools. King is a member of the Rainbow Coalition,a progressive organization that is politically active at the local and national levels and has, with the presidential candidacy of Jesse Jackson, become a strong voice within the Democratic Party. His books, A Chain of Change and Liberating Theory (written with Albert, Cagan Chomsky, Hahnel, Sargent, and Sklar), document his thinking and practice on community development,education, and social change. Mel King is currently Adjunct Professor and Director of the Community Fellows Program in the Department of Urban Studies and Planning at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. The Editorial Board of the Review thought it would be exciting and informative to talk with Mel King about his rich experience and work in community-based education. We wanted to include in our Special Issue someone local, someone right near us; someone from our own community in the Boston area, because we felt that talking with a neighbor and finding out what's going on in our own area is an essential part of community-based education. We decided to interview Mel King instead of asking him to write an article, because we wanted the give-and-take of a conversation and because we could talk with him right down the street. Over the span of several months three members of the Review — Alexander Goniprow, Victoria Borden Muñoz,and Jacquelyn Ramos — interviewed Mel King at his MIT office. The interviews were audiotaped and transcribed, providing over one-hundred pages of text from about five hours of conversation. Transforming the conversation from audiotapes to a written piece was an educational process in itself. We quickly realized that how we talked and what we said, although clear during our conversations, needed much editing and additional explanations to read clearly. The task of editing such a rich narrative was not easy but we believe that what follows is true to the content and the form of our collaboration. The conversation begins with our asking questions and Mel King responding to them. At the end of our first meeting where King discussed his views on transformation, education, and community development he also asked us what we thought our role was in community-based education and in transformation. We agreed that each of us would think this over and return to the next meeting with a "moment of transformation" story; that is, a time when we were transformed by something we learned, when we learned something new about ourselves, our community, our work. We did this in keeping with the spirit of King's firm belief in the "valuing of all people and the value of all people." These stories compose the last part of the conversation. This represents what we mean by community-based education — namely, the valuing of everyone as equals and the personal as well as political importance of change. We thought a good place to start would be by talking about some of the principles of community-based education and what these are for you.


1983 ◽  
Vol 23 (92) ◽  
pp. 319-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.M. Feheney

The growth of interest in urban studies in recent years had induced scholars to take a new interest in Irish immigrants to Britain during the nineteenth century. The Irish encountered most of the problems of immigrants and were the subject of much comment from contemporary English writers. Moreover, since they constituted a small but homogeneous minority, easily discernible in the larger community, they can be conveniently studied in depth. The purpose of this article is not, however, to do this so much as to enter a few caveats for anyone thinking of specialising in one facet of Irish immigration to Britain, namely, juvenile deliquency. The subject of delinquency among Irish children in Britain, which has intrigued Englishmen for at least 150 years, has taken on new importance in recent times, partly as a result of the revival of an old allegation that there is a connexion between Catholicism and crime. Formerly, the assertion was made by ultra-protestants, especially Recordite evangelicals. Now it is being made by some English Roman Catholic priests. While this article will not deal conclusively with the overall question of a connexion between Catholicism and crime, it is intended to argue that, at least as far as Irish immigrant catholics in nineteenth-century London were concerned, such a connexion could not reasonably be said to exist. In the course of doing so, it will contend that, even granting that the Irish were a police problem as distinct from a crime control problem, there is, nevertheless, evidence of police prejudice against them. It also aims to show that destitution and vagrancy were common among London’s juvenile poor, especially the Irish, and that destitute juveniles were frequently classified as delinquent juveniles and treated accordingly. Finally it will put forward evidence to suggest that some English protestant philanthropists, including some evangelicals, have through over-generalisation, and perhaps unwittingly, caricatured the London Irish.


Author(s):  
Todd M. Michney

This chapter compares the process of racial residential transition and patterns of interracial encounters in Glenville and the various neighbourhoods of Southeast Cleveland, finding differences mostly traceable to the white residents’ ethnic and class composition as well as the built environment. With most Jewish residents having left these areas, African Americans’ interactions with Roman Catholic Southern and Eastern Europeans took on greater significance. Aggressive real estate tactics seeking to promote rapid housing turnover became increasingly systematic and racial clashes (notably in the public schools) more common – including violent incidents which nevertheless remained on a low level overall, compared to Detroit and Chicago. Attempts at interracial neighbourhood mobilization continued, although the remaining white ethnics proved less receptive and demographic transition proceeded to the point where the population of these areas became overwhelmingly African American.


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