Planning and Building in Area C

2021 ◽  
pp. 273-296
Author(s):  
David Kretzmer ◽  
Yaël Ronen

Under the Oslo Accords land planning and construction in Areas A and B of the West Bank are the responsibility of the Palestinian Authority. This chapter discusses judicial review of planning and building policies and legal arrangements in Area C, which remain Israel’s responsibility. The chapter’s focus is local planning power, the building-permit regime, and enforcement of planning law. As in other chapters the issue of Israeli settlements lies at the heart of government policies and practices in the issue under review. The chapter reviews and criticises the Court’s approach to the different policies adopted by the Israeli authorities towards planning and building for Israeli settlements and Palestinian communities.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Joel Singer

Abstract This article tells the story of how and why, when negotiating the Israeli-Palestinian Oslo Accords in 1993–95, the author developed the concept of dividing the West Bank into three areas with differing formulas for allocating responsibilities between Israel and the Palestinian Authority in each. The origin of how these areas were named is also discussed. This negotiation demonstrates that parties are prepared to modify ideological positions when detailed and practical options are presented that constitute a hybrid to the parties’ former positions.


Author(s):  
Mads Gilbert

This chapter discusses how Palestinians are being killed, wounded, maimed, and oppressed by Israeli governmental forces with little or no international pressure to limit, stop, or prosecute systematic attacks on Palestinian civilians. With its immense, deliberate destructiveness, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Gaza have systematically attacked and eliminated people as well as predefined physical targets, all based on an Israeli military-political paradigm known as the Dahiya Doctrine. The aim of these Israeli attacks has been to “send Gaza decades into the past” while at the same time attaining “the maximum number of enemy casualties and keeping IDF casualties at a minimum.” Palestinian leaders have called on the Palestinian Authority to abolish the Oslo Accords since Israel has refused to commit to its obligations and instead has continued land grabs and settlement expansion in the West Bank and brutal attacks on civilian society in Gaza. Negotiations toward a final peace agreement have failed simply because Israel does not want peace.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (7) ◽  
pp. 915-932 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorota Woroniecka-Krzyzanowska

The article explores the intersections between sport, state and resistance in the context of military occupation and independence struggle. Based on a year of fieldwork in the local sports clubs in the West Bank, it analyses how sport may be used as a tool of resistance and state-building on the community level. For decades preceding the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994, sport and youth centres were important sites of socio-political mobilization and took an active part in the national effort to build structures independent from the Israeli occupation. Following the Oslo Accords, state-building became institutionalized and outsourced to the emergent central institutions of the Palestinian Authority. The article analyses this transition from the perspective of local clubs that went from being active actors of state-building through sport to being subjects of the Palestinian Authority’s efforts to consolidate its state-like powers. To understand how local sport activists made sense of these changes, the distinction between a bottom-up and a top-down approach to state-building through sport is made. The article aims to contribute to the ongoing debates on the use of sport in the service of nation state, by investigating the case of state-building through sport in the context of military occupation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-26

This section comprises international, Arab, Israeli, and U.S. documents and source materials, as well as an annotated list of recommended reports. Significant developments this quarter: In the international diplomatic arena, the UN Security Council approved Resolution 2334, reaffirming the illegality of Israeli settlements and calling for a return to peace negotiations. Additionally, former U.S. secretary of state John Kerry delivered a final address on the Israel-Palestine conflict, outlining a groundwork for negotiations. Two weeks later, international diplomats met in Paris to establish incentives for Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas to return to the negotiating table. Despite international discussions of peace talks and the impediment settlements pose to a two-state solution, the Israeli Knesset passed the controversial Regulation Law, enabling the government to retroactively legalize settlements and confiscate Palestinian land throughout the West Bank. Meanwhile, U.S. president Donald Trump took office on 20 January 2017, and he wasted no time before inviting Netanyahu to the White House for their first meeting, in February.


1977 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ernst Livneh

It is difficult to see the connection between these two topics, but on 25 February 1975 the Constitutional Court of the Federal Republic of Germany gave a decision of great importance in both fields, and although Israel adheres to another system of law, in the opinion of the writer, this decision is of great interest here too.The amendment of the German law relating to abortions, whose constitutionality was examined in the judgment mentioned, is part of a reform movement spreading from Europe to the Americas in the West and to Russia, India and Singapore in the East. It began to have influence upon legislation between the two wars (Russia 1920, Scandinavia and Switzerland in the 1930's), but gathered momentum particularly during the last decade (one of the earlier laws in this series is the English Abortion Act, 1967; one of the latest, the French Law of 17 January 1975).


Author(s):  
Assaf Razin

Since 1967 when Israel when the West Bank and Gaza Strip occupation begun, there has been increasingly taxing social-economic effects on Israel. The second uprising broke out after the collapse of the OSLO agreements, in the early 2002. The Israeli economy was hit twice. It was first hit by the dotcom crash in the US; second, by the 2000-2005 Palestinian . The drastic effects on the Palestinian economy which shortly after split in to two political units (the West bank, controlled by the Palestinian Authority, and the Gaza Strip controlled by Hamas). Especially the Gaza strip economy got down to the level of humanitarian crisis. that the early 2000s shock had relatively small effect on the long-term trajectory of Israel's real GDP. The effect on the Israeli economy of the second Intifada shock was mild, and short-lived. globalization proved to be a “shield” against the Palestinian-Israeli military conflicts and regional trade obstacles for the Israeli economy. This means, that the Israeli economy is exposed, however, to alarming long run risks. If, and when, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the long occupation of the of the West Bank territory would trigger political conflicts between Israel and its trade-and-finance partners, this “shield”, provided by Israel high level of integration with the global economy, may break down.


1997 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-649 ◽  

[Transfer of Israeli authority to the Council (see Annexes I and III); Palestinian elections (see Annex II); structure of the Palestinian Council; size of the Council; the Executive Authority of the Council; other Committees of the Council; all meetings are open to the public except meetings of the Executive Authority and meetings that the Council rules are subject to security or confidentiality concerns; judicial review; powers and responsibilities of the Council]


Author(s):  
Ashley Bowes

Section 57(1) of the 1990 Act provides that, subject to the provisions of the section, planning permission is required for the carrying out of any development of land. Planning permission may be granted in three main ways, namely by development order without the need for any application to be made, by a deemed grant of planning permission, or as the result of an express application for planning permission made to the local planning authority.


Author(s):  
David Kretzmer ◽  
Yaël Ronen

This chapter describes the background to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza in 1967, and changes that have taken place in these territories since then. It provides a profile of the Israeli Supreme Court—its composition, function, and record; and discusses factors that affect its role in reviewing petitions from Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories, including the Court’s public image, its position in the Israeli political system, and its general record in matters relating to judicial review of government action. The chapter concludes by reviewing changes in the actual regime in the Occupied Territories that question its characterisation as a regime of belligerent occupation.


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