Introductory Note

Author(s):  
Tullio Treves

ITLOS has handed out in 2015 two provisional measures orders and an advisory opinion. The Provisional Measures Order of 25 April 2015, in the maritime delimitation case between Ghana and Cote d’Ivoire, was adopted by an ad hoc Chamber of the Tribunal. It accepts for the first time in ITLOS jurisprudence the “plausibility” test for the merits submission as a prerequisite of a provisional measures order In the Provisional Measures Order of 24 August 2015 on the Enrica Lexie incident between Italy and India, the provisional measure prescribed consists in that both parties suspend or refrain from initiating proceedings which might aggravate the dispute submitted to the Annex VII Arbitral Tribunal. The Advisory Opinion of 2 April 2015, upon the request of a West African fisheries commission, rejects the view that ITLOS in its full formation lacks advisory jurisdiction. It throws light on the obligations of the flag state of vessels fishing in the exclusive economic zone of another state and on the role of the European Union.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Andrés Arístegui ◽  
Francisco Sánchez

Abstract. The Department of Thematic Mapping and National Atlas at the National Geographic Institute of Spain (IGN) has published a monograph on the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. The time studied is limited to the first half of 2020 which is the period for which official data are now available. However, for the first time, provisional –non definitive– data have been used. This publication begins with an overview of the impact of this crisis on the world in general and on the European Union in particular. It then focuses on the effects that the pandemic has had on demography and on the National Health Service in Spain. It ends with the consequences that the pandemic has had on the Spanish economy, society and environment. This work has been carried out together with an ad-hoc scientific network. It is the first publication of the Department that has been written both in Spanish and in English with the aim of providing the rest of the world with a geographic-cartographic vision on what has happened in Spain within the frame of the European Union during the first semester of 2020.


Author(s):  
E. Yu. Il’In

The following article deals with the formation and perspectives of the concept of Greater Europe from Lisbon to Vladivostok, and the difficulties in the way of its realization. The author speaks about close historical and cultural ties connecting Russia and Europe, outward and mental resemblance of the peoples of Europe, including Russians.For the first time the theory of Greater Europe was considered in the works of geopoliticians of the beginning and the middle of the twentieth century. It is reflected in the plans to form a pan-European union, drawn by Charles De Gaulle and Michail Gorbachev. Analyzing the statements of modern Russian and European politicians one may come to the conclusion that both parties are mutually interested in the realization of the concept of Greater Europe. However, according to actual evidence, neither Russia, nor the European Union takes any decisive steps in getting closer. The article focuses on serious contradictions between Russia and the European Union on the basic principles underlying Greater Europe. The opposing views refer to the problems of equality in the sphere of strategic partnership, the energy dialogue and the construction of the post-Soviet territory. The author lays stress on the phenomenon of «integrations collision». The article also deals with the destabilizing role of the USA and some European states which actively promote the initiative of the «Eastern partnership». The Ukrainian crisis has become a major strength test in the relations between Russia and the European Union, which resulted in a vast credibility gap, the «war of sanctions», the disruption of business and political ties. Notwithstanding the complexity of the situation, calls for tightening up the connections between the European and Eurasian integration projects are becoming louder. This gives us hope that both parties will not only be able to keep historical ties, but also take steps in creating a common area from Lisbon to Vladivostok.


1998 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 217-231
Author(s):  
Timothy Pratt

While the Community Treaties provided the institutional framework for the European Community, much of what now makes up the constitution of the European Union was not provided for in those Treaties, but evolved within that framework. This is certainly true of the role of national parliaments. There is nothing about the role of national parliaments in any of the Treaties concluded prior to the Maastricht Treaty, and even then the references appear not in the body of the Treaty, but only in two Declarations annexed to it, one on the role of national parliaments in the European Union and the other on the Conference of the Parliaments. While the former states that it is important to encourage greater involvement of national parliaments in the activities of the European Union, it gives no indication of what that involvement should be. The Treaty of Amsterdam goes a step further. It includes a protocol on the role of national parliaments. This is important in that, for the first time, it gives substantive treaty recognition to their involvement in European Union activities. But, while it is markedly more supportive than the Maastricht Declarations, it does not confer any specific powers on national parliaments, nor does it attempt to define their functions.


1998 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 217-231
Author(s):  
Timothy Pratt

While the Community Treaties provided the institutional framework for the European Community, much of what now makes up the constitution of the European Union was not provided for in those Treaties, but evolved within that framework. This is certainly true of the role of national parliaments. There is nothing about the role of national parliaments in any of the Treaties concluded prior to the Maastricht Treaty, and even then the references appear not in the body of the Treaty, but only in two Declarations annexed to it, one on the role of national parliaments in the European Union and the other on the Conference of the Parliaments. While the former states that it is important to encourage greater involvement of national parliaments in the activities of the European Union, it gives no indication of what that involvement should be. The Treaty of Amsterdam goes a step further. It includes a protocol on the role of national parliaments. This is important in that, for the first time, it gives substantive treaty recognition to their involvement in European Union activities. But, while it is markedly more supportive than the Maastricht Declarations, it does not confer any specific powers on national parliaments, nor does it attempt to define their functions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (Vol 18, No 4 (2019)) ◽  
pp. 439-453
Author(s):  
Ihor LISHCHYNSKYY

The article is devoted to the study of the implementation of territorial cohesion policy in the European Union in order to achieve a secure regional coexistence. In particular, the regulatory and institutional origins of territorial cohesion policy in the EU are considered. The evolution of ontological models of cohesion policy has been outlined. Specifically, the emphasis is placed on the key objective of political geography – effectively combining the need for "territorialization" and the growing importance of networking. The role of urbanization processes in the context of cohesion policy is highlighted. Cross-border dimensions of cohesion policy in the context of interregional cooperation are explored. Particular emphasis is placed on the features of integrated sustainable development strategies.


Author(s):  
Antoine Vandemoorteele

This article analyzes the role of the European Union (EU) and Canada in the promotion of Security Sector Reforms (SSR) activities in two regional organizations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The concept of SSR seeks to address the effective governance of security in post-conflict environment by transforming the security institutions within a country in order for them to have more efficient, legitimate and democratic role in implementing security. Recent debates within the EU have led to the adoption of an SSR concept from the Council and a new strategy from the European Commission on the SSR activities. Within the framework of the ESDP, the EU has positioned itself as a leading actor, in this domain, including in its crisis management operations. On the other hand, Canada, through its whole-of government and human security programs has also been an important actor in the promotion of SSR activities. Yet, even though several international organizations (including the United Nations, the OSCE and NATO) are effectively doing SSR activities on the ground, there does not exist a common framework within any of these organizations despite the role of the EU and Canada. As such, it is surprising to found no global common policy for SSR while this approach is precisely holistic in its foundations. Taking these elements into consideration, this paper analyzes two specific aspects : a) the absence of a common policy framework within international organizations and b) the major differences between the approaches of the OSCE and NATO in the domain of SSR and the implications for the EU and Canada’ roles.   Full extt available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v3i2.186


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Devrimi Kaya ◽  
Robert J. Kirsch ◽  
Klaus Henselmann

This paper analyzes the role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as intermediaries in encouraging the European Union (EU) to adopt International Accounting Standards (IAS). Our analysis begins with the 1973 founding of the International Accounting Standards Committee (IASC), and ends with 2002 when the binding EU regulation was approved. We document the many pathways of interaction between European supranational, governmental bodies and the IASC/IASB, as well as important regional NGOs, such as the Union Européenne des Experts Comptables, Économiques et Financiers (UEC), the Groupe d'Etudes des Experts Comptables de la Communauté Économique Européenne (Groupe d'Etudes), and their successor, the Fédération des Experts Comptables Européens (FEE). This study investigates, through personal interviews of key individuals involved in making the history of the organizations studied, and an extensive set of primary sources, how NGOs filled key roles in the process of harmonization of international accounting standards.


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